Historien

Northern Pacific Railroad

Northern Pacific Railroad


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Med en vej gennem den nordcentrale region i USA blev Northern Pacific Rail Road bygget til at køre fra Lake Superior (Duluth, Minnesota) til Puget Sound (Seattle, Washington). Ved at trykke gennem McCall, Idaho og andre steder blev jernbanen færdig i 1883, og en 'gylden' pig blev kørt ind ved Independence Creek, cirka 60 miles vest for Helena, Montana. Northern Pacific Railroad var også i kontrol over to andre jernbaneselskaber, men antitrustlovene i 1904 tvang virksomheden til at opløse. Mange Puget Sound -samfund blomstrede på spekulationer om, at de ville blive valgt som den vestlige endestation for jernbanen, herunder Port Townsend, Union, Tacoma og Anacortes.


*Obligationssalget blev påvirket af en verdensomspændende depression.


Transport: Historien om jernbaner, fartøjer og andre transportmetoder: Tog og jernbanehistorie

Bygget af Baldwin Locomotive Works i 1870 som 'Black Diamond ' for Black Diamond Coal Company, Californien, blev motoren på billedet ovenfor sendt til Bellingham Bay & amp British Columbia Railroad i 1889.Billede fra Galen Biery Papers and Photographs, #2461, Center for Pacific Northwest Studies.

Interessesamlinger ved Center for Pacific Northwest Studies kan omfatte:


HistoryLink.org

Auburn Yard, et reparations- og fragtoverførselsanlæg i Auburn, Washington, åbner den 10. april 1913. Beliggende ved den vestlige ende af den nordlige Stillehavs transkontinentale jernbanelinje ændrer værftet grundlæggende den lille landsby Auburn fra en søvnig landbrugsby til et jernbanecenter i begyndelsen af ​​1910'erne. Byggeriet fordobler næsten den voksne befolkning i byen i løbet af tre år og bringer nye indbyggere fra hele USA og internationalt ind. Værftet ville levere reparation, tankning, godshåndtering og besætningsstøtte til togtrafikken i det nordlige Stillehav i 57 år og markerede Auburn som et center for jernbanekultur længe efter det. The Yard ville blive den tredje-travleste facilitet i det nordlige Stillehav i amtet, og de faste, fagforeningsstøttede job skabte en dygtig arbejdsstyrke, der ville hjælpe med at gøre Auburn til et industricenter senere i det tyvende århundrede.

Udvidelsesplaner for det nordlige Stillehav

Northern Pacific Railway begyndte servicen i Auburn i 1883 som en del af en større plan for at forbinde Seattle og Tacoma med jernbane. Auburn var den vestlige ankerende på en jernbanelinje, der løb hele vejen fra St. Paul, Minnesota, til det vestlige Washington -territorium. Jernbaneindustrien i denne periode var massiv, hvor nationale jernbaner konkurrerede om at være de første til at få adgang til nye, lukrative markeder samt holde sig i spidsen for ny teknologisk udvikling og effektiv forretningspraksis. Til dette formål engagerede det nordlige Stillehav sig i en enorm og kostbar opgradering af faciliteter i staten Washington fra 1909 til 1916, herunder beslutningen om at bygge et værksted og værft på dets ankerende i Auburn.

Beliggende i midten af ​​det nordlige Stillehavs nord-syd hovedlinje mellem Seattle, Tacoma og Portland, var Auburn i 1910 lidt mere end et lille landbrugssamfund. Byens befolkning var kun 957, et tal let dværgede af den fjerne mineby Black Diamond, befolkning 2.051. Omgivet af nogle af de rigeste muldjord i USA ville de lokale jernbaner trække humle, bær og salat fra Auburn til alle dele af nationen.

Rygter om det nordlige Stillehavs byggeplaner begyndte at cirkulere i 1910, med den 14. maj Rødbrun Argus rapporterede, at jernbanen købte jord i byen. Mens papiret hævdede, at dette betød, at horder af jernbanearbejdere ville komme ned over byen til enhver tid, ville det faktisk tage mere end et år, før den første ingeniør ville stige fra et tog fra St. Paul. I mellemtiden havde usynlige agenter fra jernbanen travlt med at anskaffe en første 100 hektar til butikken og værfterne. Mere end en måned senere offentliggjorde hjemmekontoret sine intentioner: Auburn skulle være hjemsted for en ny gård og tjene som jernbanens vestlige fragthovedkvarter.

Den planlagte gård på sydsiden af ​​Auburn ville omfatte mange faciliteter til pleje af togvogne og deres laster, herunder et fragtoverførselsskur, hvor gods blev lastet eller læsset fra togvogne og overført til lastbiler eller vogne klassifikationsværfter, hvor togvogne var adskilt fra deres originale tog og reorganiserede i henhold til deres næste destinationer et femogtyve staldrundehus, en halvcirkelformet bygning, der omgiver en drejeskive, hvor lokomotiver blev opbevaret, repareret og vigtigst af alt, vendt rundt på en maskinforretning og tilstødende RIP (Reparation, Efterse, male) spor til reparation af godsvogne specialbyggede tanke og skure til opbevaring af sand, olie, vand og is en massiv ny 500 tons dok specielt til håndtering af kul og et kraftværk og vandværker til udelukkende at levere forsyningsselskaber til værftet. Der skulle lægges 30 km spor for at forbinde alle disse faciliteter og gøre det let at flytte bilerne mellem bygninger.

De mennesker, der ville arbejde på værftet, krævede også nye faciliteter: et kontor til forretningen og kontorarbejdernes lagerhus til forsyninger og værktøjs køjehuse til værftets sektionsbesætning for at hvile mellem skift og et nyt passageroverførselsdepot i East Auburn. Værftet ville være så stort, at det ville kræve eget brandvæsen og politistyrke.

Nogle eksisterende jernbanebygninger i Auburn ville blive genanvendt i gården. Godsdepotet på First Street ville blive værftskontoret, og den eksisterende passagerstation ville blive renoveret og trak blot et par blokke sydpå til Main Street. Fra det lille depot i East Auburn til den sydlige grænse ville Auburn Yard strække sig hele tre kilometer og koste mere end $ 750.000 at bygge.

Opinionsstykker i lokale aviser annoncerede konstruktionen og ledsagende stigende jordpriser kunne gøre Auburn til "endnu en Hyde Park", og at befolkningen kunne vokse til 10.000 inden for tre år. Andre artikler antydede, at bygningen af ​​en skibskanal fra Puget Sound til Auburn Northern Pacific -terminalen var "ikke umulig eller usandsynlig." Jernbanen forventede at beskæftige 600 arbejdere i Auburn, når værftet var færdigt, hvilket formørkede byens største arbejdsgiver på det tidspunkt med stor margin. Men før de kommende arbejdere kunne komme, skulle gården bygges. George A. Kenrick, virksomhedens projektingeniør, ankom til Auburn fra St. Paul i juni 1911. Foran ham strakte sig mere end to års byggeri.

Byggeriet begynder

Rydning og klassificering begyndte i sensommeren 1911, og i foråret 1912 var grunden klar til strukturer. En 4,9-mile rørledning fra Little Soos Creek ville bringe vand til værftet i april, og fundamentet til rundehuset blev afsluttet i samme måned. Det nye byggeri bragte et mindre økonomisk boom til Auburn i form af salg af nye ejendomme tæt på de foreslåede depoter. Butikker hævede priserne på mad og tørvarer for at tjene penge på omrejsende arbejdere. Selv bedragere udnyttede konstruktionen til at tjene penge. I en hændelse repræsenterede en ikke navngivet kriminel sig selv som ingeniør i det nordlige Stillehav for at indkassere falske checks og få mindst $ 100 i kontanter.

Ligesom mange jernbaneprojekter blev virksomheder og arbejdere uden for samfundet hentet til at udføre byggeriet. Auburn skulle ikke være nogen undtagelse. Et VVS -firma fra St. Paul blev hentet ind for at installere strøm- og vandledninger. Europæiske immigrantarbejdere blev hentet ind for at lægge spor, fordi de kunne få mindre løn end amerikanskfødte arbejdere. Værftet havde 140 græske og østrigske immigranter, der udførte sporarbejde i maj, hele den græske styrke var blevet afskediget og erstattet af fyrre bulgarere, da jernbanen fortsatte i sin søgen efter det billigste arbejdskraft, der var til rådighed. I juni var et helt græsk arbejdsbesætning tilbage, indkvarteret i køjer og sigtet for losning af 30.000 tons kul fra Roslyn, der havde samlet sig i gården.

I slutningen af ​​september var påfyldning og belægning af rundehuset og butikken færdig, ligesom Creek Creek-rørledningen blev på plads, ledninger til elektriske lys afsluttet, og en 125-fods murstensrøgstang til kraftværket var færdig. Alt dette arbejde blev imidlertid ikke udført uden en menneskelig pris. Harry Sullivan faldt af en håndvogn, og David Jones, kun 18, havde den ulykke at betjene en grusspreder alene. Kontrolhåndtaget fløj tilbage og slog ham i ansigtet og fladede hans næse. Mange andre dødsfald opstod på de andre nordlige Stillehavsfaciliteter i Auburn i hele byggeperioden, en næsten månedlig påmindelse om de iboende farer ved at bo og arbejde tæt på jernbaner.

Værftet åbner

I marts 1913 meddelte jernbanen, at værftet endelig ville åbne den 10. april i regi af generalværftmester Ivar P. Iversen. Iversen ankom fra Pasco, Washington, tidligt i april og følte, at hans første job var at forsøge at udskyde åbningen af ​​gården, som stadig manglede vægte, og sporene ikke var klar. Den 5. april meddelte han, at han havde til hensigt at forsinke åbningen med fem dage. Imidlertid overstyrede Northern Pacifics Puget Sound Division Superintendent John Joseph McCullough ham straks.

Så skarpt ved midnat den 10. april 1913, en onsdag, åbnede den ufærdige gård. Torsdag morgen ankom det første tog, modtaget af et skeletbesætning af Superintendent McCullough, Division Roadmaster A. F. Olsen, Yardmaster Iversen og ikke mindre end 10 ekspedienter. RIP -sporene og maskinforretningen var dog stadig inaktive, da alt deres udstyr endnu ikke var kommet.

På tidspunktet for Auburn Merchant's Protective Association banket den 21. april var jernbanemyndighederne klar til runde at forkynde deres succes. Foran 110 mennesker, herunder virksomhedsejere i Auburn-området, agenter fra andre lokale jernbaner, selskabets egne dignitarier og Auburn-borgmester JB Waugh, udtalte overinspektør McCullough Auburn Yard som det nordlige Stillehavs nyeste bedrift.

McCullough delte jernbanens tal for det nye anlæg ved banketten. Værftet ville klare de forventede 44 tog om dagen med at klassificere 2.150 godsvogne hver 24. time og veje 600 biler om dagen på to skalaer på 150 tons. For at udføre alt dette arbejde blev der ansat en arbejdsstyrke på cirka 567 medarbejdere med en forventet månedlig lønning på $ 75.000. Den gennemsnitlige hjemløn for et medlem af denne nye styrke forventedes at være $ 100 om måneden. Denne nye arbejdsstyrke fordoblede i det mindste det faktiske antal Auburns arbejdende mænd og kvinder fra 1910.

For hele fejringen omkring åbningen var gården lidt langsom til at komme i gang med fuld kapacitet. Da den første lønningsdag rullede rundt den 17. maj, var agent John W. McKees udbetaling $ 30.000. Ikke en lille sum for at være sikker, men ikke de rapporterede $ 75.000. To uger senere ville værftets første død medføre en mere betydelig tragedie. Harry Von Ostrand, 18, en callboy, der netop var flyttet til Auburn for at arbejde på de nye togfaciliteter, faldt den 29. maj, mens han hoppede fra Seattle til Portland Fast Mail.

På trods af disse tilbageslag steg værftets arbejde støt. Det nordlige Stillehavs nye Bureau of Efficiency annoncerede planer om endnu et lagerhus og en platform til opbevaring af skrot. Et af de sidste byggeprojekter blev afsluttet i maj, da det renoverede passagerdepot blev skubbet til sin nye placering på Main Street og en 800 fod lang hæk af roser plantet rundt om omkredsen. I juli håndterede Auburn 38.982 biler, hvilket gør det til det tredje travleste punkt på jernbanen efter Tacoma og Duluth, Minnesota.

Det nordlige Stillehav og dets arbejdere var blevet en vital del af byens liv, økonomi og infrastruktur. I juni 1913 dannede The Terminal Investment Company, et ejendomsudviklingsselskab for at drage fordel af stigende jordværdier tæt på den nye Northern Pacific-terminal, donerede jord og legepladsudstyr til at oprette Terminal Park, Auburns første offentlige bypark.

I november havde Auburn Yard en værftsrekord for at servicere 1.483 motorer på en måned, og tiden var inde til, at virksomhedens investering i Auburn virkelig begyndte at betale sig. Den 16. november 1913 afsporede det nordlige Stillehavs 4014-damplokomotiv på Palmer Cutoff øst for Wynaco, Washington, efter at have kørt over en brudt skinne, faldet 300 fod ned ad en dæmning og stablet 24 biler med korn oven på sig selv. Togpersonalet slap for skade, men tre vandrende arbejdere, der blaffede i toget, blev knust i den efterfølgende opstigning. Efter vraget blev de manglede biler skubbet til side, linjen genåbnede, og 4014 slæbte de sidste kilometer ind i Auburn. Vraget i 4014 tillod Auburns nye arbejdshold at demonstrere deres reparationsdygtighed, da de returnerede motoren til service på 24 timer.

En varig effekt

Da værftet var færdigt, var Auburns befolkning mere end fordoblet til 1.928. Inden for måneder efter værftets etablering var nogle af de mest fremtrædende skikkelser i byen jernbanens agenter, værftmestre og værkførere. I løbet af få år ville mange medlemmer af Auburns PTA, skolebestyrelse, handelskammer, byråd og borgmestre komme fra arbejdsrækkerne på Northern Pacific Railway.

Auburn Yard ville fortsat være et knudepunkt for arbejdskraft og industri i Auburn i de næste 57 år. Under første verdenskrig var det stedet for fagforeningsstrejker og kvinder, der kom ind i arbejdsstyrken, da USA nationaliserede jernbanesystemet og ledte efter nye arbejdsgrupper for at kompensere for soldater, der var i udlandet. I 1926 fandt Northern Pacifics Bureau of Efficiency en måde at være mere effektiv ved at afbryde godstransporttjenester i Auburn og flytte 75 positioner til Tacoma og Seattle. På trods af dette ville jernbaneforeninger sikre, at arbejdstagernes fordele og lønninger forblev stabile i Auburn i det meste af det tyvende århundrede, hvilket bidrog til at holde Auburn en solid uafhængig middelklasseby, mens andre nærliggende landbrugscentre blev forstæder og soveværelsessamfund til Seattle og Tacoma.

Da jernbanerne overgik fra damp til diesel i 1940'erne og 1950'erne, blev mange af værftets bygninger ændret til at arbejde med den nye teknologi, men det centrale rundhus forblev relativt uberørt. Nordlige Stillehav ville forblive den største arbejdsgiver i Auburn, indtil den mistede kronen til Boeing i 1960'erne. Industrielle producenter som Boeing drage fordel af de færdigheder jernbanerne havde lært Auburns arbejdsstyrke. Rundehuset blev lukket i 1982 efter fusionen af ​​det nordlige Stillehav til Burlington Northern, men de strålelignende skygger af rundehusets fundamenter kan stadig ses, når man kører østpå på Highway 18 over Auburn-sporene.

Auburn Yard maskinværksted og olietank, ca. 1920

Hilsen White River Valley Museum (PO-01697)

Auburn Yard under opførelse, ca. 1912

Hilsen White River Valley Museum (PO-00060)

Auburn Yard blueprint, ca. 1912

Hilsen White River Valley Museum

Motorer parkeret i rundhus ved Auburn Yard, ca. 1940

Hilsen White River Valley Museum (PO-03378E)

Auburn Yard maskinværksted, rundhus, dieselbutik og vandtårn, 1946


Gold Creek og Pioneer: omgåede vartegn

Da jeg begyndte mit feltarbejde for den statslige historiske bevaringsplan i 1984, var der et sted, jeg var særligt ivrig efter at besøge: Gold Creek og Pioneer på vestsiden af ​​Powell County. Granville Stuart og Conrad Kohrs truede begge store i Montana's historie, de var tilknyttet henholdsvis de to miner. Stuart var blandt den part, der først slog guld der i 1858, Kohrs ejede senere Pioneer -miner. Plus de to minearealer blev tidligst regnet blandt statens#8217'er. Så en vinter i 1982, hvor jeg rejste ad Interstate Highway I-90, havde jeg set mod vest og set de falmede træskilte markere det, de kaldte den første guldstrejke i Montana –one i 1858, selv før Mullan Road var blevet flammet gennem området. Ikke langt væk var

endnu et ubeskriveligt skilt –Dette ene om den sidste stigning i Northern Pacific Railroad –det var også synligt fra interstate. Jeg måtte vide mere.

Gold Creek butik og posthus, 1984.

Det, jeg fandt, var ikke meget, i det mindste noget meget, der kunne blive en del af offentlig fortolkning. Folkene i dagligvarebutikken og posthuset, hvor udvendige skilte stolt bemærkede, at det begyndte i 1866, fortalte mig, at granitmarkøren for Gold Creek -strejken var på privat ejendom og godt vedligeholdt, men noget ingen var interesseret i at gøre mere med. Den sidste stigning for Northern Pacific Railroad var en lignende historie. Engang var dette sted alle i de nationale nyheder. Nu var det et sted på jernbanen, og Burlington Northern var ikke interesseret i, at besøgende befandt sig på en så stærkt tilbagelagt sektion.

Vejen vest for Gold Creek førte ind i den senere placer -minedrift i Pioneer Mining District (etableret 1866) –med de høje højer af tailings, der kom fra langt senere bestræbelser på at uddybe enhver smule ædle metaller fra ejendommen.

Ranchere havde taget stumper af ældre bygninger fra Pioneer og indarbejdet dem i senere strukturer mellem minedistriktet og Gold Creek. Pioner som en spøgelsesby eksisterede næppe dengang, og lidt markerer sin fortid bortset fra minearbejde.

Gold Creek har eksisteret siden begyndelsen af ​​Montana Territory, men det har sjældent taget en pause – sit monument om minedrift er låst fast på privat ejendom. De fortolkende markører om det nordlige Stillehavs ’s sidste stigning er på motorvejen i Gold Creek Rest Area. Meget af det, der er der i dag, stammer fra dets sidste “boom ”, da Milwaukee Road blev bygget igennem her c. 1908, men som almindelige læsere af denne blog ved, var Milwaukees succes og kort levetid, og i 1980 var den konkurs. I dag er lidt tilbage bortset fra vejbanen, som det er tilfældet næsten i Gold Creek.

Jeg siger næsten, fordi Milwaukee Road fandt en af ​​dens elektriske transmissionsbygninger midt i Gold Creek langs den elektrificerede linje. Forladt, da jeg undersøgte byen i 1984, er bygningen blevet restaureret og sat i gang igen.

Milwaukee Road Electric Station mod nordlige Stillehavslinje.

To samfundsinstitutioner former stadig Gold Creek. I “far ” enden af ​​byen er St. Mary ’s Mission katolske kirke, bygget ca. 1910, med sit originale gotiske design stadig intakt.

Men den vigtigste samfundsinstitution (ja, Dinner Bell Restaurant ude på mellemstatslige afkørsler er vigtig, men det er en ny forretning) er Gold Creek School, en temmelig bemærkelsesværdig bygning, idet beboerne tog to standardværelseskoler i homestead-æra og forbundet dem ved hjælp af et lavt tag “hyphen ” mellem hoveddørene.

Tilpasning og overlevelse og historien om mange bygninger ved Gold Creek og Pioneer. Historiske markører er knappe der, men historien i landskabet kan stadig læses og udforskes.


Natteliv, og derefter nogle, i Missoula

Da vi hver dag bliver mindet om det massive historiske Labour Temple, lige ved Higgins Street i hjertet af centrum, var Missoula en arbejdsby, og ikke kun en universitetsby og det meste af sin eksistens. Arbejdere, hvad enten det gjaldt jernbanerne, savværkerne og mange fabrikker, passerede dagligt gennem centrum på vej til arbejde og derefter hjem. Og de havde deres valg af vandhuller i centrum for at få en drink og lidt afslapning, hvis de var så tilbøjelige.

Jeg forstår, at det er mere end en stereotype at vokse veltalende om en vestlig by ’s barer, men ærligt talt kan jeg ikke klare mig selv. Når jeg kom til Missoula, mens jeg var bosat i Montana, og når jeg går der i dag, er mine planer centreret omkring enkle forslag –Går jeg til passagerstationen Northern Pacific Railroad og drejer til venstre for at stoppe ved Double Front for et bryg og nogle af de bedste stegte kylling i Amerika (og husk, at jeg er en sydlænding), eller spadserer jeg ned ad Higgins Street og tager en burger og øl på Oxford?

Det afhænger lidt af stemningen –Den dobbelte front er mere et familiested – det har endda været puslet lidt op siden min tid der i 1980'erne. Oxford har et velfortjent ry for at være lidt hårdhåret, men jeg elsker det, vorter og det hele.

Jeg har gode venner, der stadig ønsker at argumentere for dyderne ved en hurtig bid på Missoula Club, et godt sted lige ved Higgins Street. Faktisk kan jeg sige det samme for Stockmans Cafe and Bar, samt Red ’s Place, der er gået sportsbarruten.

Og når jeg virkelig vil gå på old school, vender jeg tilbage til passagerstationen i det nordlige Stillehav, finder Railroad Street og går derefter ind i –and jeg mener venture Silver Dollar Bar, en af ​​byens første åbninger efter slutningen af Forbyder og betjener stadig kunder i dag.

Silver Dollar, ligesom Double Front, var mekkaer ikke kun for jernbanearbejdere, men også rejsende, der var trætte af livet på skinnerne og ledte efter lidt flydende forfriskning. Det er stadig en drinkers ’ bar i dag.

Jeg er klar over, at Missoula nu har en bred vifte af downtown virksomheder og#8211og en vinbar for en god portion – og jeg ønsker dem alt godt. Men giv mig Oksen, Dobbeltfronten eller Klubben når som helst, når som helst.


JERNVEJE BYGGER DEN RED RIVER VALLEY

LÆRERE-For en glimrende LEKTIONSPLAN (egnet til klasse 6-12) se & quotThe Transcontinental Railroad & quot på PBS-webstedet. Lektionerne i denne plan opfylder de akademiske standarder for samfundsfag og amerikansk historieuddannelse i Minnesota, North Dakota og South Dakota.

Særlig tak til følgende MSUM -studerende, hvis forskning og bistand gjorde dette websted muligt - Corrine Edgerton, Josh Gates, Seth Goddeyne, Maureen Hukill, Bradley Madsen. Ekstra særlig tak til Korella Selzler, på MSUM University Archives.


Baggrund
Jernbaneindflydelse i Red River Valley begyndte i 1864, da Northern Pacific Railway (NPR) Company modtog et charter fra den amerikanske kongres. NPR -målet blev fastlagt af en gruppe nordøstlige og Chicago -investorer, der havde til formål at bygge en linje, der ville forbinde Great Lakes -regionen med Puget Sound i det amerikanske nordvest. Det tog cirka seks år for investorerne at skaffe nok kapital til at begynde et reelt arbejde på linjen. I løbet af denne tid undersøgte virksomhedsingeniører dele af Minnesota, som de planlagde at lægge ruten over. Betydelig konstruktion begyndte i begyndelsen af ​​1870, da de første skinner blev lagt ved landsbyen Thompson Junction, cirka 20 miles vest for Duluth.

En jernbanelinje kunne kun anlægges med rigelige mængder af tre ressourcer:

1. Jord, hvorpå linjen kunne bygges.

2. De fysiske ressourcer til jernbanekonstruktionen - træbånd og stålskinner, maskiner til udjævning af banesengen, arbejdskraft og så videre.

3. Tilstrækkelige penge til at betale for det nødvendige jord, skinnerne, og arbejdskraft og udstyr til at bygge og køre linjen.

Jernbanebyggeri var dyrt, og de tekniske udfordringer ved at bygge en vellykket linje betød, at byggeingeniørerne skulle kende deres forretning. Som en amerikansk myndighed på jernbanelinjer udtrykte det i 1857, skulle en ingeniør med ansvar for en konstruktion af en linje vide alt, hvad der var nødvendigt for at kunne opgradere og lægge spor, korrekt proportionere broer af træ, sten og jern, bygge anlæg, moler og støttemure , og vedligeholde overbygning og lokomotiver. "Kort sagt" enhver beskrivelse af arbejde, der foregår på jernbaner ", skulle forstås for ethvert håb om succes. (Vose).

Omkostningerne ved at bygge en linje var meget høje, og vedligeholdelsesomkostningerne var lige så stejle-den samme myndighed advarede om, at en typisk jernbane skulle bruge omkring 40-51 cent af hver dollar, den lavede for at holde jernbanen i drift. (Vose). På grund af disse høje driftsomkostninger lykkedes det få tidlige jernbaner uden nogen form for statslig bistand, normalt i form af statsejede arealer tildelt jernbaneselskabet.

Pacific Railroad Act fra 1862 satte mønsteret for denne type assistance. Loven gav betydelige offentlige arealer til de to jernbaneselskaber, der byggede en linje fra Missouri -floden til Stillehavet (som de kaldte & quot; Pacific Railroad & quot eller & quot; Transcontinental Railroad & quot). I henhold til bestemmelserne i denne lovgivning fik jernbaneselskaberne, der byggede linjen, vejladsret på landområderne langs linjen og også 10 kvadratkilometer land for hver kilometer bygget linje (eksklusive denne bevilling, når linjen gik gennem et fællesskab eller krydsede en flod). Lovgivningen bemærkede endvidere, at det land, der blev givet, ville være muligt i form af & quotalternate sektioner pr. Kilometer på hver side af jernbanen. & Quot Denne bestemmelse er det, der gav kortene, der viser jernbaneland, det karakteristiske & quotcheckerboard & quot -mønster (se nedenfor).

Kort over den originale transkontinentale jernbanelinje, konstrueret af Central Pacific Railroad og Union Pacific Railroad. Byggeriet begyndte i 1863 og 1869 (kort med tilladelse fra Wikipedia).

Northern Pacific Line når dalen
Selvom den blev chartret af den føderale regering i 1864 og modtog en bevilling på 47 millioner acre af føderale jorder, der lignede den, der blev givet til den transkontinentale indsats, kunne virksomheden ikke begynde byggeriet, før vanskeligheder med finansiering var overvundet. Selv da stod ingeniørerne over for store problemer med at bygge en linje, der kunne fungere i det hårdere klima på de nordlige sletter, linjen ville kræve betydeligt flere snegærde, skure og lokomotivplove end dem, der bruges af jernbanerne længere sydpå.

Når finansieringen endelig var på plads, begyndte byggeriet vest for Duluth i februar 1870. Kort efter begyndte den vestlige gren af ​​linjen at bygge østpå fra Columbia River og Puget Sound. Mens skinner blev lagt støt, havde det nordlige Stillehav en lang vej at gå, før de kunne skabe en rentabel, løbende linje. Som det var sket længere sydpå, var nordmanden foran sine potentielle kunder: landområderne, der førte over det vestlige Minnesota og Dakota -territoriet, var tyndt befolket, og der var endnu få landmænd eller byer, der ville betale for at bruge skinnerne, der blev lagt.

Kunstnerillustration fra Harper 's ugentligt, af banearbejdere, der lagde skinner.

Der var også betydelige geografiske forhindringer at overvinde. En af de største af disse var Red River Valley, hvor landet faldt stejlt ned i bassinet i den længe forsvundne gletsjersø Agassiz. At bygge en linje ind i dette bassin og på tværs af Red River ville kræve de bedste anstrengelser fra ingeniørerne, der overvåger konstruktionen.


Hvor meget magt havde jernbanerne over de lokalsamfund, de hjalp med at bygge?
I begyndelsen af ​​1871, på et vigtigt møde mellem direktørerne for jernbanen i det nordlige Stillehav, forudsagde Thomas Hawley Canfield, en af ​​virksomhedens store udviklere, "at uanset hvor N.P. skulle krydse Red River, ville der stige den næste store by vest for St. Paul og Minneapolis. Canfield vidste, hvad han talte om: jernbaner skabte nye samfund på tværs af det nordamerikanske kontinent, og i de første år af disse nye byer udøvede jernbanerne generelt en enorm magt over deres indbyggeres liv.

Den mest markante illustration af denne magt i den nyetablerede Fargo kom i 1872, da virksomheden opdagede, at nogle Fargo-hjem på grund af en undersøgelsesfejl hvilede på land, der var en del af det indiske reservat, der tilhørte Wahpeton-Sisseton Dakotas. Det tog nogle hurtige forhandlinger, understøttet af føderal regerings pres på Dakota -lederne, for at få en aftale, der afstod det nødvendige areal til det nordlige Stillehav. Aftalen blev underskrevet i september 1872. Stammerne gav deres jord i bytte for $ 80.000 i 10 årlige rater på $ 8.000 hver, der ikke skulle betales kontant, men i proviant og varer. Kongressen ratificerede derefter den ændrede aftale den 22. juni 1874. Fargo voksede derefter langsomt til det største samfund i Dakota Territory. [1]

Jernbanerne åbnede grænsen for amerikanere og immigranter, der ønskede at starte et nyt liv for sig selv og deres familier. Jernbanen forbandt nye lande, øgede bosættelsen og fødte nye industrier og virksomheder, der skabte rigdom. Ved første øjekast vandt både nybyggere og jernbaneagenter, da jernbaner åbnede vejen til nye lande i vest. Men de fulde fordele for nybyggere ville ikke være klare i flere årtier, og som følge heraf tænkte de, der boede i de nye byer og på de nye gårde, ofte på jernbanerne som lidt mere end grådige virksomheder, der udnyttede deres vanskeligheder.

Her læsses kornsække i hånden, ca. 1880. & quotDenne region vil sammenligne sig positivt med andre dele af landet i produktionen af ​​hvede, havre, byg, boghvede og kartofler, & quot erklæret en landbrochure i det nordlige Stillehav. (Foto med tilladelse fra Historical and Cultural Society of Clay County.)

Jernbaneselskabet kunne få mere jord fra offentlige tilskud, da de byggede deres jernbanelinjer, og nybyggere undertiden anklagede for, at jernbaninvestorerne fik de bedste arealer. Jernbaner havde også fordele i, hvad de kunne opkræve nybyggere som kunder, der sender deres afgrøder til markedet, og som forbrugere, der betalte jernbanerne for at sende deres nødvendige indkøb fra byerne. På den anden side, uden jernbanerne til at give bosættere transport til emigration, til transport af afgrøder til markedet og transport af udstyr og forsyninger, der er nødvendige for at støtte landbrugssamfundene, kunne de nye samfund ikke eksistere. Uanset hvor meget de var uenige, havde jernbanerne og nybyggerne indbyrdes brug for hinanden. [2]

For at sælge sine jorder og få bosættere-kunder havde Northern Pacific Railroad brug for at fremme bosættelse og gjorde det ved hjælp af James B. Power. Som forbundsregeringens generelle jordagent distribuerede Power brochurer og flyers, der annoncerede for, hvordan N.P. hjulpet landmændene med at etablere et stort planteskole, bringe rugfrø til tilpasning og levere rimelige jordrater med 7-årig kredit. Even during the grasshopper plagues in which the farmers lost a majority of their crop and profit, Power extended notes of the settlers and helped to pay some of the taxes. [3]

The agents of the N.P. believed that successful examples of farming in the Red River Valley would help to promote more settlement. Therefore, James Power began to hand pick which land would be given to non-resident bond holders. So those who wanted to farm got the land near the rail line. He then advertised successful commercial farming by focusing on 1,280 acres of land broken on the Cass-Cheney tract. With the aid of Oliver Dalrymple, an experienced wheat farmer, the methods of bonanza farming developed. The success of the Cass-Cheney-Dalrymple farm gave way to a huge migration of people who thought prosperity could be reached by raising one-dollar wheat. [4] Due to the increased settlement, the railroad company was able to build extensions of rail lines which in turn increased their profit. All in all, the settlement and growth of agriculture of the Red River Valley was largely influenced by the hard work of the Northern Pacific land department.

The railroad continued to flex its financial muscle in the Red River Valley with the help of James J. Hill. Owner of the St. Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba Railway Company, Hill hired James B. Power as the land commissioner. During 1879, Power and Hill created a program to drain some of the swampy ground in the Valley. Hill worked with the government and gave $30,000 of his own money so that the program assisted in developing the Valley. The St. Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba railroad also took action to provide farmers with information to improve their crops -- providing advice and information on such matters as crop rotation, the cost of dairy farming and cattle breeding. It was by these efforts that the number of livestock doubled from 1880-1890. [5]

This impressive economic growth cemented the railroads' premier place in the region with the inhabitants they most needed for support -- the merchants and their representatives in the governments of Fargo and Moorhead. Fargo quickly boomed, its commercial district extending from the Northern Pacific depot at Front Street over to Second Avenue and up Broadway. In that fast-growing section the traveler could find nearly two dozen hotels by 1901. They could transact business at four banks, place ads in three newspapers, eat a meal at any of twelve restaurants, shop at sixteen grocers or make wholesale deals with dozens of hardware, furniture, or dry goods merchants. For a rest they could go to the Opera House for music or a drama, or across the river for a mug of beer. Moorhead grew into a smaller market town, but because Dakota was created as a "dry" territory, Moorhead's merchants could add the benefit of liquor sales to their line of goods. There were so many saloons in Moorhead by the mid-1880s that their owners hired special carriages to carry Fargo dwellers over the Red to enjoy their hospitality.

The merchants were all making good money. The centerpiece of all the business was selling supplies and equipment to the farmers in eastern Dakota territory and western Minnesota.

The Railroads and the People

The Valley's new settlers developed a love-hate relationship with the railroads. For a few years, the primary transportation in the Valley was by flatboats on the Red and its tributary rivers. Small in size and limited in what they could carry (see illustration of an early boat at left), the boats did a trade up the river into Canada with stops at the major river towns. Such river trade declined as the railroads built additional line running north and south. When the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers ceased to dredge the river in the early 20th century, the river trade essentially ended. The railroads held a virtual monopoly on long-distance hauling thereafter.

The railroads had great power, and their directors did not hesitate to use it. Having already taken possession of much of the choicest lands along the Red River, the Northern Pacific used its hauling capacity to charge significant fees for their services. The farmers were wholly dependent on them for shipping in the goods and supplies that the towns and farms required. The merchants often paid the same railroad for every item shipped in from Chicago or St. Paul or anywhere else. The farmers paid the railroad a fee to store their grain in an elevator and, when the fees for storage and shipment exceeded the price of grain, they often sold it at a price that failed to cover their costs. Not surprisingly, many of them came to resent the railroads.


Left item -- Shipping rates of the Northern Pacific Railroad, 1893. Right item -- Land, in acres, held by the Northern Pacific, 1896. (Northern Pacific Railway Pamphlet Collection)

But slowly the land was cleared, crops were planted, towns developed. Several farmers’ organizations sprang up to demand a better deal at the market. Many farmers in Clay County, Minnesota joined the Minnesota Farmers Alliance. Founded in 1890, by early Valley settler Randolph Probstfield among others, the Alliance fought to regulate the prices paid for grain and curb the power of the railroads and urban grain companies. It was strong enough to send Probstfield and other members to the State Legislature, but they lacked the numbers to push through significant legislation to better the lot of most rural folk. Other farmers established cooperative-owned elevators and arranged for their own shipping. In these undertakings they were partly successful. But because no serious attempts were made to attack the problem of overproduction of grain as a result the farmer's situation only slightly improved. Farmers over the whole of the plains tried to increase profits with ever-larger plantings of wheat and oats, but this depleted the soil.

The people called for greater regulation of railroads in a variety of ways. In 1871, after intense lobbying from farmers and the Minnesota Grangers farmers' organization, the state legislature authorized the creation of a Railroad Commission, an innovation that other states quickly copied. Over time, the Minnesota Railroad Commission was given increasing power to inspect railway property for safety, establish reasonable rates for shipping costs, regulate warehouse and grain handling facilities owned by railroads, and prosecute cases against the railways. Progress came only slowly, largely because the Interstate Commerce Commission itself lacked formidable powers until the early 20th century.

By the late 1880s, drought conditions were hurting the farmers. Burdened with debts, many gave up their land. Others struggled on, but resented - and envied - the influence that "corporations" had over their economic futures, blaming the railroads and banks for a seemingly endless series of financial crises. In the words of one historian they believed that “every boom has a bust, every silver lining a cloud.” For three straight presidential elections, they beat the drum for William Jennings Bryan, the Nebraska born champion of the "Populist movement." Bryan won the majority of the votes in rural and small town America, but he could not defeat the Republican candidates put up by city machines and winning the votes of the most urban dwellers.

Lawsuits against railroads also acted as a brake on the powers of the corporation. In 1897, the city of Chicago won a case argued in the U.S. Supreme Court against the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railway (a corporation largely controlled by the Great Northern board of directors). The court ruled in the case that railroads could preempt land for expansion, but only if "adequate compensation were given: a state " legislature may prescribe a form of procedure to be observed in the taking of private property for public use, but it is not due process of law if provision be not made for compensation. . . . land taken for public use without compensation would be a mockery of justice." (Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad Co. v. City of Chicago, 166 U.S. 226).

In that same year, Eugene Debs, president of the American Railway (Workers) Union, gave a landmark speech in Fargo where he called for legislation to protect the rights of both railroad laborers and the customers of the railroad corporations. "Workingmen, all men must hew out their own way to emancipation," he noted. "If the workingmen would be free, they themselves must strike the blow, and every man must free himself. You cannot be freed by proxy."

Then after 1910 the Non-partisan League movement swept through North Dakota. Many farmers were readily converted to its tenets. In the pages of the Non-Partisan Leader, the League's newspaper, published in Fargo, readers read that ten businessmen in Chicago "possess a power little short of life and death over the people of the United States." They read ads for books that exposed the railroads, attacked the cities, and proposed redistributions of property. Most important, they found confirmation that they were doing most of the work while getting a raw deal. An article called the League’s leaders men who were “among the real pioneers of the state . . . They are among the class who braved the difficulties of the new country, who tamed its wilderness, who waved the magic wand of toil over its broad prairies and made them fit for habitation." Some of the criticism was fair, some of it exaggerated. Either way, as the farmers extended their political power, and as they gained more allies from the towns' merchants, they began to gain greater influence over the railroads and their policies.

In 1904, in another landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision, brought by suit of the U.S. Attorney General, the court ordered the giant Hill-managed Northern Securities Company of railroads to be dissolved as "an illegal combination in restraint of interstate commerce" that "deprived the public of the advantages that flow from free competition." ( Nordlige Securities Co. v. United States , 193 U.S. 197).

A decade later, the Non-partisan movement sprang up in North Dakota and rapidly spread across the Midwest. Advocating that farmers and workers should recognize that neither the Republican nor the Democratic Party represented their best interests, the League called on voters to select representatives in government who would reject "special interests," and pass legislation for "state control of mills, grain elevators, banks and other farm-related industries in order to reduce the power of corporate political interests." The League would exercise great influence in the politics of both North Dakota and Minnesota (indeed its adherents would give birth to the Farmer-Labor Party in Minnesota).

Over a span of forty years, the railroads had sparked the settlement of the Valley and helped create the infrastructure of the Valley's economy. They also drew criticism and in so doing influenced the political and social fabric as well. But, whatever their limits and faults, they had made possible the full development of the Valley region.

Left: Cartoon from the Non-Partisan Leader, published in Fargo North Dakota, 1912. Right: Cartoon from Harper's Weekly, 1906.

[1] Roy Johnson, Red River Valley (Moorhead: Red River Valley Historical Society, 1982), 155.

[2] Harold F. Peterson, “Some Colonization Projects of the Northern Pacific Railroad,” Minnesota History Magazine 10 (1929): 127, accessed August 29, 2011, http://collections.mnhs.org/MNHistoryMagazine/articles/10/v10i02p127-144.pdf.

[3] Stanley N. Murray, “Railroads and the Agricultural Development of the Red River Valley of the North, 1870-1890,” Landbrugshistorie 31, nej. 4 (Oct., 1957): 59, accessed August 29, 2011, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3740486.

" Articles of Incorporation of the Minnesota Grain Growers Alliance," September, 1891, in Randolph Probstfield Papers, Northwest Minnesota Historical Center-Minnesota State University Moorhead.

David Danbom, "North Dakota: the Most Midwestern State," in James H. Madison, ed., Heart Land: Comparative Histories of the Midwestern States, (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1988).

Carroll Engelhardt, Gateway to the Northern Plains: Railroads and the Birth of Fargo and Moorhead (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007).

J ohn D. Hicks, "The Origin and Early History of the Farmers Alliance in Minnesota," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, bind. 9, (1923), pp. 203-226.

Maureen Hukill, "Eugene V. Debs' Crusade For Labor," (paper delivered at the Northern Great Plains History Conference, Fargo, ND, October, 2012).

Roy Johnson, Red River Valley (Moorhead: Red River Valley Historical Society, 1982).

Northern Pacific Railway Pamphlet Collection, Northwest Minnesota Historical Center-Minnesota State University Moorhead.

"Ten Men Who Dominate the Human Race," and "These are the Men Who Back the Big League," both in Nonpartisan Leader, September 15, 1915.

George L. Vose, Handbook of Railroad Construction for the Use of American Engineers (Boston: Munroe and Co., 1857).


Northern Pacific Railroad

In1853 army teams were sent out to survey routes for a transcontinental railroad along the 32nd, 35th, 38th, 39th, 41st, 42nd, 47th, and 49th parallels. Isaac I. Stevens, Governor of Washington territory, led the party to survey the northern route. Stevens would survey the route from St. Paul. Captain George B. McClellan would lead a unit from Puget Sound to meet Stevens at Colville, Washington territory on the Columbia. With McClellan were Lt. John Mllan and Lt. Rufus Saxton. The Stevens party explored the general route taken by Lewis and Clark in 1804-06. They also explored the Coeur d’Alene and the upper Columbia. McClellan surveyed the area between Seattle and the Columbia, including Snoqualmie Pass. Stevens filed his report in 1855. It stated that it would be practical to bring a railroad through to the Pacific by way of the Valley of the Missouri or the Yellowstone. He recommended bypassing the Bitterroot Range and going further north near Lake Pend d’Orielle and on to Spokane. From there the route could either go across the Cascades to Puget Sound or along the Columbia to Portland, then north to Puget Sound.

His report was ignored at first in favor of the route along the 35th route favored by Secretary of State Jefferson Davis. He used the reasoning that this, and the route along the 38th parallel, would be the only ones free of snow. Also, now that California was a state, it badly wanted a railroad. Secretly, he was from the south and wanted to extend southern influence, i.e., support of slavery, across the southern United States. That effort resulted in Congress granting a charter to the Union and Central Pacific railroads in 1862. Those two railroads, Union being built west, and Central being built east, met at Promontory Point, Utah on May 10, 1869.

Stevens had died during the civil war, so the Northern Pacific had lost its champion. Josiah Perham, stepped in. He made friends with Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, the most powerful congressman. He proposed a northern Pacific route from Lake Superior to Puget Sound. This bill was passed by congress and was signed into law by President Lincoln on July 2, 1864. The land grant give the railroad 47,000,000 acres to the railroad. It also canceled any land titles along the route that had been given to the Indians. He was given permission to issue $100,000,000 in stock.

The original charter called for construction to start by July 2, 1866. But not enough money had been raised and Perham was able to get an extension. His debts were paid by a group of eastern investors, who took over the controls of the Northern Pacific. He died in 1868. J. Gregory Smith took over the effort for the investors, but was still unable to get adequate funds. Once again he had to have the construction date postponed to July 4, 1870, with completion time postponed to July 4, 1877. This time, mortgage of the railroad, its telegraph lines, and the land grant were permitted to raise funds. Jay Cooke and Company managed the financial end of the railroad. Cooke sent two survey teams into the field in 1869 to survey the feasibility of the route. W. Wilnor Roberts explored the Puget Sound and Columbia River areas and went east to the Rocky Mountain passes and the Upper Missouri country. Governor Marshall of Minnesota explored the route from Lake Superior west to the Red River of the North and across the Dakota plains to the great bend of the Missouri. It was decided that the main line would follow the Columbia, and the branch line would go through the Cascades. Construction cost was estimated at $85,277,000.

In 1870, Jay Cooke began selling bonds for the railroad. Large advertisements were sold in newspapers around the country and even in Europe. The merits of the Pacific Northwest were praised, namely the forests, mountain valleys, grassy plains, and mild climate, where bumper crops of grain and fruit could be raised. By the end of 1871, $30,000,000 had been raised. Groundbreaking for the railroad took place at Thomsons Junction, west of Duluth on February 15, 1870, but construction began in July. This spot would be where the Northern Pacific would meet the Lake Superior and Mississippi Railroad. The Minnetonka was built in 1870 for $6,700. It was the railroad’s first locomotive. It was first used in construction work in Minnesota, but later shipped to San Francisco by rail and by steamer to the Columbia River for construction at the west end of the line from Kalama to Tacoma, Washington.

But money ran out right away. Shipping rails around Cape Horn was enormously expensive. And the purchase of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company on the Columbia, Snake, and Willamette Rivers and on Puget Sound also took a big chunk. In 1872, Tacoma was finally chosen as the western terminus. Smith resigned from the board and General George Cass took over as president of the railroad.

In 1873, there was a financial panic and construction halted. The line had only gotten as far as Bismarck, North Dakota, 450 miles from Duluth. The line from Kalama to Tacoma had been finished but was not making any money. It was not connected to Portland by bridge, so passengers or freight had to be ferried across the Columbia. The company was bankrupt and had to be reorganized. In 1876-77, finances improved. In 1879, Frederick Billings took over as president. He urged completion be commenced as soon as possible. They were already past the deadline of July 4, 1879, and he knew Congress could repeal the charter at any time. Attempts had already been made to extend the deadline, but they had been blocked, mostly under the influence of the Union Pacific, which did not want to see its monopoly disappear. New bonds were issued and construction began in Hell Gate Canyon west of the Rockies and in Washington territory between Wallula and the Snake River crossing. First headquarters of the railroad had been at Brainerd, Minnesota, but were moved to St. Paul in 1880.

Things were finally looking up when Henry Villard stepped in. He had been president of the Oregon Railway & Navigation Company, the most successful transportation company in the country. He had a huge fleet of steamboats and connecting portage railroads. They had a main line along the south bank of the Columbia and had planned feeder lines in eastern Washington and Oregon. The area was his and he planned to keep it that way. On October 20, 1880, an agreement was reached whereby the Northern Pacific would use his rails on the south bank until they could build their own line. He wanted to make this arrangement permanent. But he soon realized that complete control of the Northern Pacific would be the only satisfactory arrangement. He and his wealthy friends bought controlling interest in the Northern Pacific.

By 1882 there was still 900 miles of track left to be laid between Glendive, Montana, and Ritzville, Washington. On the western end, thousands of Chinese were bought in as laborers. Mormons from Utah were subcontracted to grade. Veteran Swedes and Irish were hired on the eastern end. Between September 1881 and August 1883, the gangs laid about a mile and a half per day.

Now the construction problems began. It had been relatively flat land up to that point from St. Paul. Now they had to go over the Bridger Mountains of Montana. The grade was steep and eventually a 3,610 foot tunnel had to be drilled at 5,557 feet above sea level. While building the tunnel sticky blue clay kept sliding into the excavation and one landslide filled up a cut that had taken four months to excavate. They had to use hydraulic mining methods to sluice away the clay. Track laying in winter was difficult because they kept getting buried by snow. Bozeman was reached on March 14, 1883 and the first train came in on March 21. In June of 1883 the line reached Helena. Here was another difficult passage as a huge trestle over O’Keefe’s Canyon had to be built. It was 112 feet high and over 1,800 feet along. Another huge trestle was built over Marent’s Gulch at 226 feet high and 860 feet long.

Now a tunnel had to be built through the main divide of the Rockies. Mullan Pass was selected and approved by the Interior Department in May 1883. The tunnel would be 3,850 feet long. They expected to be drilling through hard rock to make the tunnel. But it was not, it was very soft. Almost the entire length had to be shored up with timbers. It even had to be bypassed temporarily.

On August 23, 1883 the east and west crews met at Hell Gate Canyon 55 miles west of Helena. A golden spike ceremony was held on September 8 at Gold Creek, Montana. The last spike was not actually golden, but was the first spike drilled in at Thomsons Junction, Minnesota. It was hammered by Mr. Davis, who had drilled the same spike in Minnesota.

Now it was time to complete the line from Pasco, across the Cascades to Seattle. Work began in 1884. There was no particular problem from Pasco to Thrall, just south of Ellensburg. Then started the hard work as they went up the mountains. Many bridges had to be built. V.G. Bogue, principal engineer, surveyed for the summit tunnel. The place he selected was then known as Garfield Pass, 75 miles east of Tacoma at 2,852 feet. It was renamed Stampede Pass. The tunnel would be 1.8 miles long. In 1886, bids were taken for building the tunnel. Sidney and Nelson Bennett had built the railroad from Pasco to Ellensburg and now wanted the rest of the job. Their low bid of $837,250 got them the job. Most thought they were out of their minds with such a low bid.

They began work on the approaches to the tunnel in February of 1886. Drillers began boring through the rock on the east side with hand drills. Other men diverted a waterfall. Some crews erected barracks, a hospital, supply buildings, and the engineers’ headquarters. Drilling averaged three and a half feet per day. Many men quit at the hard work. After four months the Bennetts bought a complete set of Ingersoll air operated drills in Tacoma. Production doubled right away. Then electric lighting was placed in the tunnel. Finally they were really making progress. They started using a platform car to haul out the blasted rocks. By May of 1887 they were making 14 feet per day. On May 27, the timbering of the tunnel had been completed and the first train rolled through.


Railroad Records Research: Labor History

Minnesota.Department of Labor and Industry. Strike and Labor Problems Files,1907-1924.
Reports, transcripts of hearings and testimony, and correspondence regarding labor problems on the Iron Range and in St. Louis County (1907), a switchmen's strike in Duluth (1909-1910), an action by the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen against the Great Northern Railway (1912), and a fatal accident at the Milford Mine at Crosby (1924).
MNHS Call Number: See the finding aid in the libra ry (Labor and Industry Department).

Minnesota. Department of Labor and Industry. Railroad Correspondence,1909-1922.
Correspondence relating to health and safety inspections of railroad facilities, consisting of inspectors' reports of unsafe facilities and subsequent letters of compliance with department orders to correct the hazards. Also includes correspondence concerning the exploitation of Greek immigrant laborers by railway companies (1909-1910). Correspondents include the department secretary and inspectors, railroad operators and managers, the Railroad and Warehouse Commission, local state employment bureau managers, and Greek immigrant laborers.
MNHS Call Number: See the finding aid in the libra ry (Labor and Industry Department).


Northern Pacific Railroad Depot

The role of the Northern Pacific Railroad in the founding and development of the Bismarck community was significant. The NP Depot remains as a symbol of that importance.

In August, 1898, The St. Paul Globe reported the Northern Pacific Railway&rsquos intention to build a new depot and office building in Bismarck, N.D. The Globe reported that the new building would replace a framed freight depot built in the 1870&rsquos and destroyed by fire in 1898. According to the article, the Bismarck depot, designed by the nationally prominent architectural firm of Charles Reed and Allan Stem of St. Paul, would be &ldquoone of the finest depots and freight offices on the (Northern Pacific&rsquos) system, and one that all the people of that city (Bismarck) can desire from an architectural standpoint.&rdquo

Completed in December, 1901, at a cost of $33,601, the Northern Pacific Depot is notable for its Spanish mission-style architecture, uncommon on the Northern Plains. The new depot was built on a site that had previously been the location of the 1877 Sheridan House, at one time Bismarck&rsquos leading hotel and the largest building erected in Dakota Territory. The Sheridan House, which had served as both a hotel and railway passenger depot, was moved east across Fifth Street, where it was remodeled and reopened as the Northwest Hotel.

The Northern Pacific Depot&rsquos Spanish mission-style architecture featured a center façade flanked by towers 13 feet square, originally domed and crowned by louvered cupolas with bellcast roofs and finials. The superstructures of these towers (domed roofs, cupolas, and corner caps) were removed in 1954 and replaced by simple peaked tile roofs, producing the effect of Tuscan campaniles. The main entrance of the depot is recessed between the towers within a one-story portico featuring six concrete Tuscan columns.

The east and west portions of the Northern Pacific Depot repeated the shaped gable ends of the central block with their longitudinal axes placed at right angles to it. The original roofing of these wings was red Ludowic tiles, which were also replaced during the tower alterations in 1954. These wings originally terminated in 20-foot square shelters or covered platforms with open arches. A large first floor central block contained cherry-trimmed ticket and trainmen&rsquos offices on the south side and men and women&rsquos lounges on the north side. The west wing was completely enclosed in 1930 to create a new express office and the east end was enclosed in 1955.

Originally the Northern Pacific Depot grounds between Fourth and Fifth Streets were enclosed with post and rail fencing. The grounds were planted with grass and trees, and at the southeast corner an enamel and wrought iron sign reading &ldquoBismarck&rdquo was supported by two Tuscan columns.

By 1916, the Northern Pacific Depot was serving 24 passenger trains daily. By 1950, however, Bismarck began to reflect the nationwide decline in railroad traffic. The decline continued throughout the 1970&rsquos as mergers between the Northern Pacific and other railroads eventually created the Burlington Northern and Santa Fe. Ultimately, the Railway Express Agency vacated its quarters in the west end of the Bismarck Depot following a declaration of bankruptcy in 1975. Today the old Northern Pacific Depot is home to the Fiesta Villa Mexican Restaurant.


The railroads in Whatcom County have definitely changed over the years. Instead of the Great Northern, Northern Pacific, and Milwaukee Road, which all or parts were taken over by the Burlington Northern and operated by the Burlington Northern Santa Fe. There are two trails that are on former rail beds, the Interurban trail and the Railroad Trail. The interurban Trail is not on the old interurban right-of-way but is on the old Fairhaven southern right-of-way that one from Fairhaven to Sedro Woolley. Railroad Trail starts out on Milwaukee Road branch that was headed towards Bloedel Donovan lumber mill that is now Whatcom Falls Park. In the neighborhood immediately east of I 5 trail switches to the former Northern Pacific which it follows all the way and Whatcom Falls Park. So there are a few places you can still see the old right-of-way and imagine ghost trains going through the night. If you ever get up to Whatcom County stop by the Bellingham Railway Museum and find out more information about our local railroads.

The BP and Phillip 66 refineries are cashing in on the Dakota oil boom. Both refineries are building loop tracks to accommodate oil trains, What does this mean? Well more trains over existing track and the possible expansion and output. .


Se videoen: Southern Pacific 2472 Under Steam For The First Time In 6 Years (Juni 2022).