Historien

Ungarerne annoncerer uafhængighed - historie

Ungarerne annoncerer uafhængighed - historie


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Som svar på en undertrykkende forfatning, der blev bekendtgjort efter den mislykkede wienerrevolution, erklærede den ungarske kost den 14. april 1849 formelt sin uafhængighed fra Østrig. Lajos Kossuth blev valgt til at være guvernør i Ungarn. Russerne griber ind på østrigernes vegne. Den 9. august blev ungareren afgørende besejret i slaget ved Temesovar og sluttede dermed det ungarske bud på uafhængighed

Den ungarske revolution

Vores redaktører gennemgår, hvad du har indsendt, og afgør, om artiklen skal revideres.

Den ungarske revolution, folkeligt oprør i Ungarn i 1956, efter en tale af sovjetiske leder Nikita Chrusjtjov, hvor han angreb perioden med Joseph Stalins styre. Opmuntret af den nye frihed til debat og kritik brød en stigende bølge af uro og utilfredshed i Ungarn ud i aktive kampe i oktober 1956. Oprørere vandt revolutionens første fase, og Imre Nagy blev premierminister og indvilligede i at etablere et flerpartisystem. Den 1. november 1956 erklærede han ungarsk neutralitet og appellerede til FN om støtte, men vestlige magter var tilbageholdende med at risikere en global konfrontation. Den 4. november invaderede Sovjetunionen Ungarn for at stoppe revolutionen, og Nagy blev henrettet for forræderi i 1958. Ikke desto mindre vendte dominans og udbytning af stalinistisk type ikke tilbage, og Ungarn oplevede derefter en langsom udvikling mod en vis intern autonomi.


Viktor Orbáns ceremonitale på 170 -årsdagen for den ungarske revolution i 1848 – FULL TALE

Ungarn, Budapest – Den 15. marts 2018 fejrede Ungarn 170 -årsdagen for revolutionen i 1848. Men tre uger før valget var det også en særdeles politisk dag. Hundredtusinder af mennesker marcherede for at vise deres støtte til Viktor Orbán, der holdt en stærk, krigstale:

Jeg byder jer alle velkommen på Ungarns fejring af frihed! Jeg hilser dem, der deltager i fredsmarchet. Det er med særlig agtelse, jeg hilser på vores polske venner. Vores nærhed er naturlig, og vores omfavnelse er en kilde til styrke. I vores forfader Kossuths tid blev der skrevet, at “Ungarn og Polen er to uforgængelige egetræer, der har vokset to separate stammer, men hvis rødder har flettet sig ind. Derfor er eksistensen og styrken af ​​den ene forudsætningen for den andens liv og sundhed ”. Det er ikke anderledes i dag: Hvis Polen er stærkt, kan Ungarn ikke gå tabt, hvis vi er stærke, kan vi hjælpe vores polske venner. Derfor er fredsmarchet ikke blot et stævne for vores lands sag, men også et standpunkt, vi tager ved siden af ​​Polen. Ære til Polen! Ære til Ungarn!

Endnu en gang, Fellow Celebrants, er dagen kommet, der løfter hjertet på hver ungarer. Den dag, hvor der i det store verdenshistoriske bog blev skrevet et ord på det ungarske sprog: dette ord var "Frihed". På denne dag samles mængder for at ære de modige og bøje hovedet til minde om heltene. I dag er vi især kommet sammen i stort antal. Udover vores respektopvisning er der nu en særlig grund og et særligt mål. Knap mere end tre uger fra nu vil vi igen afgøre Ungarns skæbne. Og det, der er på spil ved dette valg, er ikke blot en fireårig periode. Jeg vidste, at der ville være mange af os her, og jeg vidste, at jeg her ville se bestemte ansigter. Det er præcis det, vi har brug for i dag: alvor og beslutsomhed. Vi har brug for det, fordi vi i dag skal tale med hinanden om alvorlige sager: lige så alvorlige sager som dem, der skulle behandles for 170 år siden. Vi er arvinger til 1848 -revolutionærerne og frihedskæmperne, for ligesom for 170 år siden må vi i dag tale ærligt og direkte. Hvis vi ikke klart oplyser, hvad der sker med Ungarn, og hvorfor det sker, så vil ingen forstå. Og hvis vi ikke forstår det, så kan vi ikke træffe en forsvarlig beslutning tre uger fra nu. Derfor må vi tale direkte uden kompromis eller frygtsomhed. Petőfi og hans medarbejdere sagde det klart: "Skal vi være slaver, eller bliver vi frie?" Alle forstod det, og alle vidste, hvordan de skulle svare. Sammen har vi indset mange ting i løbet af de sidste tredive år. Sammen har vi kæmpet mange store kampe og mindeværdige kampe. Men den største ting, vi kunne realisere i vores liv, den største kamp, ​​vi kunne kæmpe sammen, er stadig foran os. Og hver indikation er, at det er umiddelbart foran os nu. Situationen, kære venner, er, at der er dem, der ønsker at tage vores land fra os. Ikke med et pennestrøg, er der sket for hundrede år siden i Trianon, nu vil de have, at vi frivilligt skal overgive vores land til andre i løbet af et par årtier. De vil have, at vi afleverer det til udlændinge, der kommer fra andre kontinenter, som ikke taler vores sprog, og som ikke respekterer vores kultur, vores love eller vores livsstil: mennesker, der ønsker at erstatte det, der er vores, med det, der er deres. Det, de ønsker, er, at det fremover i stigende grad ikke vil være os og vores efterkommere, der bor her, men andre. Der er ingen overdrivelse i det, jeg lige har sagt. Dag for dag ser vi de store europæiske lande og nationer miste deres lande: lidt efter lidt, fra distrikt til distrikt og fra by til by. Situationen er, at dem, der ikke standser immigration ved deres grænser, går tabt: langsomt men sikkert bliver de fortæret. Eksterne kræfter og internationale magter ønsker at tvinge alt dette på os ved hjælp af deres allierede her i vores land. Og de ser vores kommende valg som en god mulighed for dette.

Arven fra 1848 er, at Ungarn skal være et frit uafhængigt og ungarsk land. Alt, hvad vi har brug for i dag, er inkluderet i disse ord. Som Széchenyi sagde, "nationale fremskridt, civiliserede sind og et robust land" og derefter tilføjede han, at "Mange tror, ​​at Ungarn var, men jeg vil tro, at det bliver det". I dag ville vi svare greven, at Ungarn faktisk var, og det er det faktisk. I dag er spørgsmålet, om det bliver det. Sagt på en anden måde, kære venner, vi ønsker ikke kun at vinde et valg, men vores fremtid. Europa - og inden for det er vi ungarere - er nået til et vendepunkt i verdenshistorien. Nationale og globalistiske kræfter har aldrig ført så åbent op til hinanden. Vi, de millioner med nationale følelser, er på den ene side elite "verdens borgere" er på den anden side. Vi, der tror på nationalstater, forsvaret af grænser, familien og værdien af ​​arbejde er på den ene side. Og imod os står dem, der ønsker et åbent samfund, en verden uden grænser eller nationer, nye former for familie, devalueret arbejde og billige arbejdere - alt sammen styret af en hær af skyggefulde og regnskabsløse bureaukrater. På den ene side nationale og demokratiske kræfter og på den anden side overnationale og antidemokratiske kræfter. Sådan er situationen i Ungarn fireogtyve dage før valget.

Medfester og fredsmænd,

Afslutningen af ​​det arbejde, vi står over for, ligger stadig langt ude i fremtiden, men resultaterne fra de sidste otte år taler for sig selv. Det er vigtigt at minde os selv om disse, men det er ikke nok. Europa og Ungarn står i centrum for en civilisationskamp. Vi konfronteres med en massebefolkningsbevægelse, der er en overhængende fare for den orden og livsstil, som vi har kendt gennem vores liv indtil nu. Så på samme tid skal vi forsvare vores præstationer indtil nu og gå i kamp for at sikre, at der overhovedet vil være nogen mening i at fortsætte. Medmindre vi beskytter vores livsstil, vil betydningen af ​​alt, hvad vi har opnået, gå tabt. Hvis landet i fremtiden ikke er ungarsk, hvad er så fremskridt? Lad os ikke distrahere os selv: vi behøver ikke at bekæmpe de anæmiske små oppositionspartier, men et internationalt netværk, der er organiseret i et imperium. Vi er oppe imod medier, der vedligeholdes af udenlandske bekymringer og indenlandske oligarker, professionelle hyrede aktivister, problemfyldte protestorganisatorer og en kæde af NGO'er finansieret af en international spekulant, opsummeret af og legemliggjort i navnet "George Soros". Det er den verden, vi skal kæmpe med for at forsvare det, der er vores. Den gode soldat kæmper ikke, fordi han hader det, der står over for ham, men fordi han elsker det, der er bag ham. Han elsker Ungarn og ungarere.

Vi er vokset fra kristen kultur, og vi skelner mellem en person og deres handlinger. Vi har aldrig hadet nogen, og vi skal ikke hade nogen. Tværtimod tror vi fortsat på medfølelse og solidaritet. Men vi skal kæmpe imod, hvad imperiet af George Soros gør mod Ungarn, og hvad det vil gøre mod Ungarn. Dette er vores hjemland, dette er vores liv, og vi har ingen anden. Derfor vil vi kæmpe for det til det sidste, og vi vil aldrig overgive os. Vi ved, at de i sidste ende i hvert valgdistrikt vil stå imod vores kandidater. Deres opgave er at vinde magten og gennemføre den store plan: at bryde Ungarn, der står på immigrantes vej og først at bosætte tusinder, derefter titusinder af immigranter i Ungarn inden for få år. Disse tal er ingen overdrivelse. Europa er nu under invasion. Hvis vi lader det ske, vil der i løbet af de næste et eller to årtier komme titusindvis af millioner til Europa fra Afrika og Mellemøsten. Den vestlige halvdel af Europa ser på alt dette med hænderne løftet i overgivelse. De, der løfter deres hænder, har lagt deres våben og vil aldrig mere bestemme deres egen skæbne. Historien om de besejrede vil senere blive skrevet af andre. De unge i Vesteuropa vil se dette, når de bliver minoriteter i deres egne lande, og de har mistet det eneste sted i verden, der kunne kaldes hjem. Der dukker kræfter op, som verden ikke har set længe. I Afrika vil der være ti gange så mange unge mennesker som i Europa. Hvis Europa ikke gør noget, vil de sparke døren ned på os. Bruxelles forsvarer ikke Europa, og det stopper ikke immigrationen, men vil støtte det og organisere det. Den ønsker at fortynde Europas befolkning og erstatte den, at lægge vores kultur, vores livsstil til side og alt det, der adskiller og adskiller os europæere fra verdens andre mennesker. Det vil være en lille trøst, at Europas folk ikke vil tilgive de ledere, der fuldstændig ændrede Europa uden først at spørge dets folk. Lad os være stolte over, at vi er det eneste land i EU, der har spurgt folk, om de vil have masseindvandring eller ej.

Mine damer og herrer, kolleger,

Vores valg finder sted om tre uger. Partilisterne er frigivet, og kandidaterne er blevet registreret. Vi kender dem. Der er dem, som vi har kæmpet imod i tredive år, og dem, som vi har kæmpet med i ti år - selvom det nogle gange virker som om det har været hundrede år. Vi bør derfor ikke have illusioner. Lad os lære af fortiden. De indrømmede selv, at de er i stand til at ligge morgen og middag uden at stoppe med at trække vejret. Vi skal være forberedt på en situation, hvor vores kandidat i sidste ende i hver valgkreds vil stå imod en Soros -kandidat. Måske ser der mere ud til at stå, hvor nogle af dem trækker i håndbremsen, andre trækker sig tilbage i sidste øjeblik, og atter andre opfører sig som om de ikke engang er til stede. Vi skal være forberedt på, at de antager forklædninger, ligesom sidste gang, da de gemte sig bag en kandidat, der udgjorde sig som uafhængig [Viktor Orbán refererer til et deltidsvalg i Hódmezővásárhely, red.]. De tør ikke indrømme deres herres identitet. De ved, at de ikke har en chance, hvis de står foran hele landet og åbent erklærer, hvem de tjener. Alle ved, at vi ungarere, der er imod immigration, er i flertal. Vores modstandere har kun en chance, hvis de formår at dele vores lejr, og hvis de formår at afmontere vores enhed. Deres mål er, at ethvert emne kommer til debat undtagen faren, der truer Ungarn. Vores modstandere ved også, at nu kunne Ungarns skæbne afgøres i årtier fremover. Derfor vil de stoppe ved ingenting: de vil ikke argumentere, men censurere de vil ikke kæmpe, men knibe, sparke, bide og så had, uanset hvor de går. Vi er rolige og godt humorerede mennesker, men vi er hverken blinde eller godtroende. Efter valget vil vi naturligvis søge ændringer - moralske, politiske og juridiske ændringer - men vi kan ikke spilde vores kræfter eller vores tid på det nu. Vi skal ryste angrebene af, som en hund ryster vand af. Vi vil kun fokusere vores styrke på vores mission og kun på vores fælles mål: forsvaret af Ungarn. Lad os ikke glemme den første lov om valgkamp: enhed er styrke, en lejr, et flag, og vi har brug for alle.

Kilde: Viktor Orbán ’s facebookside

Jeg ved, at denne kamp er vanskelig for alle. Jeg forstår, hvis nogle af os også er bange. Dette er forståeligt, fordi vi skal kæmpe mod en modstander, der er forskellig fra os. Deres ansigter er ikke synlige, men er skjult for øjnene, de kæmper ikke direkte, men ved stealth er de ikke hæderlige, men princippel er de ikke nationale, men internationale de tror ikke på arbejde, men spekulerer med penge, de har ikke noget hjemland, men føler, at hele verden er deres. De er ikke generøse, men hævngerrige og angriber altid hjertet - især hvis det er rødt, hvidt og grønt. Men kære venner, vi har altid vidst, at der er meget på spil. Ungarns historie har vænnet os til at kæmpe for det, der er mere heldige menneskers naturlige prærogativ. For os er en enkelt rystelse nok, en halt ænderregering nok, et valgresultat, der går galt, er nok, og alt er sat i gang - alt det, vi har brugt mange års hårdt arbejde på. Dette er et hjørne af verden, som er udsat for elementerne, og som historien har en tendens til ikke at efterlade i fred - selvom vi føler, at det nu er det, vi virkelig fortjener. Vores forfædre udtrykte det godt: et feigt folk har intet hjemland. Og vi samlede vores mod, når det var nødvendigt. Det var aldrig let. Bare se dig omkring på statuerne her på denne plads: Kejseren i Wien dømte Andrássy til døden Rákóczi døde i eksil Wiens allierede drev Kossuth fra landet, kommunisterne skød István Tisza ihjel. Det var aldrig let, men alligevel i sidste ende vandt vi altid. Til sidst sendte vi sultanen hjem med sine janitsarer, den habsburgske kejser med sine medskyldige og sovjeterne med deres kammerater. Og nu sender vi onkel Georgie hjem sammen med sit netværk. Vi beder dig om at tage tilbage til Amerika og gøre amerikanerne lykkelige frem for os.

Det er virkelig et mysterium, hvordan vi efter så mange nederlag altid er steget op igen. Og hvordan kunne det være, at vi stadig er her efter tusind år? Måske fordi vi altid har vidst, at vores eksistens har en mening ud over os selv. Vi har altid vidst, at her er der en kultur, en sjæl og en ånd, der gennem århundreder har løftet hjerter, trøstet mennesker og opretholdt os. Vi har en samlende og samlende opfattelse: vi har national selvrespekt. Vi er ikke drevet så langt fra kristendommen, at vores ankerkæde er brudt. Selvfølgelig er vores tro undertiden rystet, og på sådanne tidspunkter er vores nationale stolthed også bulet. Men vi har aldrig givet dem op, og derfor har vi ikke mistet dem, og derfor rejser de sig igen og igen, overfyldte og erobrer hjerter.

Vi ved, at vi heller ikke er et fejlfrit folk, og i vores historie har der været mørke timer og kolde dage, men vi er sikre på, at vi har givet mere til verden, end vi har taget fra den. Uden ungarere ville verden være et fattigere sted, Centraleuropas historie ville være mere smertefuldt, og uden os ville Karpaterbassinet også være et værre sted. Vi har derfor en eksistensret. Derfor har vi nu også ingen grund til at være bange. Alt, hvad vi behøver at sige, er, at den, der er ungarsk, tilhører os, og vi vinder. Igen og igen skal vi vinde, fordi Ungarn er ungarernes land.

Mine damer og herrer, kolleger,

I 2010, da vi endnu engang stod op på egne ben, da vi rejste os og i Bruxelles og i de andre centre i imperiet begyndte vi at kæmpe for ungarerne, var vi stadig alene. Men så kom polakkerne, slovakkerne og tjekkerne. Derefter valgte Amerika en anti-immigrationspræsident, og briterne slog til på deres egen vej. Indtil i dag står Israel fast. Så i Østrig kom patrioterne til magten, og italienerne afviste også immigration. Spørgsmålet nu er simpelthen, om vi ungarere har lært af andres fejl. Har vi lært, at man kun kan ødelægge noget én gang - og hvis vi har mistet det en gang, er det enden? Der vil ikke være nogen anden chance, ingen undersøgelse for at tage igen. Hvis dæmningen brister, så strømmer vandet ind, og den kulturelle besættelse bliver irreversibel. De indsatser, der er fremtiden, er blevet lagt på bordet. Derfor vil jeg nu gerne rette nogle ord til de unge blandt jer. Hvornår skal jeg ellers gøre dette, hvis ikke den 15. marts?

Måske føler du, at hele verden er din, og som om du kunne tage imod alle, der kommer. Og du har ret: Mangel på ambitioner er definitionen på middelmådighed. Og livet er godt for ingenting, hvis du ikke gør noget med det. Men også i dit liv vil der komme et øjeblik, hvor du indser, at man har brug for et sted, et sprog, et hjem, hvor man er blandt sine egne, og hvor man kan leve sit liv i sikkerhed, omgivet af andres velvilje. Et sted, hvor man kan vende tilbage til, og hvor man kan mærke, at der er en mening med livet, og at det i sidste ende ikke bare vil glide i glemmebogen. I modsætning hertil føjer det til og bliver en del af den majestætiske tusinde år gamle skabelse, som vi ganske enkelt kalder vores hjemland: det ungarske hjemland. Unge ungarere, nu har fædrelandet brug for jer. Fædrelandet har brug for at du kommer og kæmper med os, så når du har brug for det, vil dit hjemland stadig være der for dig.

Jeg tror, ​​at vi har sagt alt, hvad der skal siges. Vi har udnyttet, sadlet op og forberedt os på den tre uger lange valgkamp foran os. Tilbage står kun, at vi skal bede om Guds hjælp. I dag ikke i sang, som vi plejer, men i talte vers, som Ferenc Kölcsey lærte os. Vi har endnu ikke gjort dette før, men lad os prøve det sammen.

O, min Gud, Magyar velsigne

Med din rigdom og godt humør!

Med din hjælp presser han sin retfærdige sag,

Hvor hans fjender at kæmpe dukker op.

Skæbnen, der så længe ikke rynkede panden,

Giv ham lykkelige tider og måder

Sonende sorg har tynget

Synder fra tidligere og fremtidige dage.

Ungarere! Løft fanerne højt! Gå videre til kamp! Længe leve ungarsk frihed, leve hjemlandet! Frem til sejren!


Indhold

Ungarsk erobring af Karpaterne Rediger

Som fortalt i Primary Chronicle fandt de første interaktioner mellem ungarerne og Kievan Rus sted i slutningen af ​​det 9. århundrede under den ungarske erobring af Karpaterbassinet, ved Askolds grav i Kiev. Under den ungarske migration fra den russiske steppe til det pannoniske bassin krydsede ungarerne Dnepr -floden nær Kiev, hovedstaden i Kievan Rus '. [3] Der boede de på stedet for Askolds grav og til sidst passerede de fredeligt gennem byen. [4] I middelalderen blev placeringen af ​​Askolds grav kendt på ukrainsk som Uhors'ke urochyshche (Ukrainsk: Угорське урочище, tændt. 'Ungarske traktat'), til minde om den ungarske passage gennem området, og bevarer dette navn i dag.

I 895 kom ungarerne ind i det pannoniske bassin gennem Verecke -passet i Karpaterne (i dag i Ukraine), hvor de fortsatte med at etablere Kongeriget Ungarn. [5] I 1996 modtog den ungarske regering tilladelse fra Ukraine til at installere et monument til minde om 1100 -året for ungarernes passage gennem Verecke -passet og den ungarske erobring af Karpaterbassinet. Færdiggjort i 2008 af den ungarske billedhugger Péter Matl, ligger strukturen på grænsen til Lviv og Zakarpattia -oblasterne nær landsbyen Klymets. [6]

Under de ungarske invasioner af Europa i det 10. århundrede fandt ungarerne og Kievan Rus på forskellige tidspunkter sig allierede med hinanden. I 943 ydede Rus 'styrker støtte til en ungarsk offensiv mod det byzantinske imperium, som kulminerede i køb af fred af den byzantinske kejser Romanos I Lekapenos. [7] Under den sidste ungarske invasion af Europa, i 970, angreb storfyrst af Kiev Sviatoslav I det byzantinske imperium med støtte af ungarske hjælpestropper, der til sidst stod over for nederlag i slaget ved Arcadiopolis og effektivt afsluttede de ungarske invasioner af Europa. [8]

Karpatho-Ukraine Rediger

I 1939, i kølvandet på opløsningen af ​​Den Anden Tjekkoslovakiske Republik, erklærede det tidligere autonome Carpatho-Ukraine uafhængighed den 15. marts Samme dag besatte og annekterede Kongeriget Ungarn territoriet. I løbet af et par dage overvældede den 40.000 stærke ungarske hær de begrænsede styrker i den nyudråbte ikke -anerkendte stat, som kun havde 2.000 tropper. [9] Ved den 18. overtog ungarske styrker fuld kontrol over Carpatho-Ukraines område. [10]

I det kaos, der fulgte, blev anslået 27.000 ukrainske civile dræbt. [10] Cirka 75.000 ukrainere fra området søgte asyl i Sovjetunionen, hvoraf 60.000 i sidste ende døde i sovjetiske Gulags. [10]

Moderne relationer Rediger

Det moderne bilaterale forhold mellem Ungarn og Ukraine begyndte i begyndelsen af ​​1990'erne, efter kommunismens afslutning i Ungarn i 1989 og ukrainsk uafhængighed fra Sovjetunionen i 1991. [1] Så sent som i 2016 forblev forholdet mellem de to nationer stort set positivt. [11]

2017 sproglov Rediger

I september 2017 underskrev daværende præsident for Ukraine Petro Poroshenko ukrainsk uddannelseslov for 2017, som tidligere var blevet vedtaget af det ukrainske parlament. Den nye lov gjorde ukrainsk til det påkrævede sprog for alle statsskoler i Ukraine forbi femte klasse, og en lov om 2012, der blev underskrevet af den afsatte tidligere ukrainske præsident, Viktor Janukovitj, vendte om, og gjorde det muligt for regioner med etnisk minoritet at udgøre mere end ti procent af befolkningen at bruge minoritetssprog i undervisningen. [12] Selvom det hovedsageligt havde til hensigt at afskrække brugen af ​​russisk i offentlig uddannelse, betød politikken, at skoler i ungarske flertalsområder i Zakarpattia, herunder mange finansieret direkte af den ungarske regering, ville blive tvunget til at stoppe undervisningen i det ungarske sprog. [13]

Regelændringen tjente som katalysator for hurtig forringelse af forbindelserne mellem Ungarn og Ukraine. Umiddelbart efter lovens vedtagelse meddelte den ungarske udenrigsminister Péter Szijjártó, at Ungarn ville blokere al yderligere integration af Ukraine i NATO og EU og tilbød at "garantere, at alt dette vil være smertefuldt for Ukraine i fremtiden." [14] Dette markerede et betydeligt skift i den ungarske udenrigspolitik i retning af Ukraine, da den tidligere havde støttet en stærkere ukrainsk integration i NATO og EU og gik ind for visumfrie rejser mellem Ukraine og EU, stort set for at rejse til Ungarn lettere for det ungarske mindretal i Ukraine. [15]

Efter at have fulgt op på sine løfter, i oktober 2017 nedlagde Ungarn veto og blokerede effektivt indkaldelsen til et møde mellem NATO og Ukraine. [16] Som svar annoncerede ukrainske embedsmænd indrømmelser til nogle ungarske krav, især forlængede overgangsperioden indtil gennemførelsen af ​​sprogloven til 2023. [17]

Berehove Militærbase Rediger

I marts 2018 annoncerede den ukrainske regering en plan om at genoprette en militærbase i den etniske ungarske flertalsgrænseby Berehove, der ligger ti kilometer fra den ungarske grænse. [18] Planen krævede permanent placering af 800 ukrainske tropper fra 10. Mountain Assault Brigade og 128. Mountain Assault Brigade ved basen. [19]

Ukrainske embedsmænd stod over for øjeblikkelig modreaktion fra den ungarske regering efter meddelelsen. Den ungarske udenrigsminister Péter Szijjártó gentog, at Ungarn ville blokere enhver yderligere ukrainsk integration i NATO eller EU, indtil ungarske bekymringer var behandlet, og kaldte placeringen af ​​basen i et stort set etnisk ungarsk område for "modbydeligt". [19]

Planerne for basen blev i sidste ende opgivet, men i maj 2020 annoncerede embedsmændene igen planer om restaurering af den samme militærbase og permanent stationering af ukrainske tropper der, denne gang fra 80. Air Assault Brigade. [20]

Ungarsk pasfordeling Rediger

I september 2018 udløste en undercover -video, der viser tildeling af ungarsk statsborgerskab og distribution af ungarske pas til ukrainske borgere af diplomater i Ungarns konsulat i Berehove, til nye spændinger mellem de to nationer. Videoen, udgivet af Ukrinform, fangede modtagere af nye pas, der reciterede en ed om allierighed til Ungarn og sang den ungarske nationalsang. [21] [22] Fordi frivilligt at opnå et udenlandsk statsborgerskab, mens det ikke er at give afkald på ukrainsk statsborgerskab, er ulovligt i henhold til ukrainsk nationalitetslov, pålagde ungarske diplomater nye borgere at skjule deres besiddelse af ungarske pas for ukrainske myndigheder. [23]

Som svar på hændelsen erklærede Ukraines udenrigsministerium den lokale ungarske konsul i Berehove persona non grata, bortviste ham fra ukrainsk område og anklagede ham for at overtræde Wienerkonventionen om konsulære forbindelser. Til gengæld annoncerede Ungarn udvisning af en ukrainsk konsul i Budapest og gentog trusler om at blokere Ukraines yderligere tiltrædelse af NATO og EU. [24]

2019 ukrainsk parlamentsvalg Rediger

I optakten til det ukrainske parlamentsvalg i 2019 forsøgte ungarske embedsmænd ved flere lejligheder at påvirke resultaterne til fordel for kandidater bakket op af partiet af ungarere i Ukraine, et politisk parti, der er aktivt i Zakarpattia Oblast. Konkret arbejdede den ungarske regering for at påvirke vælgerne til fordel for partileder Vasyl Brenzovych og to andre kandidater, der bestred pladser i Verkhovna Rada, Ukraines parlament. Partiet modtog direkte betalinger i form af ungarske bevillingspenge, og den ungarske udviklingsbank brugte 800.000 ungarske forints (dengang cirka 2.400 euro) til at betale for billboards, der understøtter organisationen i strid med ukrainsk lov.

I løbet af juli 2019 besøgte en række top ungarske skikkelser Zakarpattia for at holde stævner og lobbyvælgere for partiets kandidater, herunder udenrigsminister Péter Szijjártó. Omtrent på samme tid besøgte partileder og folketingskandidat Vasyl Brenzovych Budapest for at deltage i et møde med Ungarns premierminister Viktor Orbán. På trods af den omfattende indsats blev ingen af ​​partierne af ungarere i Ukraines kandidater i sidste ende valgt. [25]

Som svar på indblandingen anklagede den ukrainske regering Ungarn for at overtræde FN's pagt og Wienerkonventionen om diplomatiske forbindelser. [25]

På grund af deres betydelige minoritetspopulationer inden for hinandens grænser har Ungarn og Ukraine hver et omfattende netværk af diplomatiske missioner på tværs af begge nationer. Ungarn har en ambassade i Kiev, et generalkonsulat i Uzhhorod og et konsulat i Berehove [26], mens Ukraine har en ambassade i Budapest [26] og et generalkonsulat i Nyíregyháza. [27]


Ungarn: Satellite Nation

Efter et forsøg på at lette Ungarn til kommunisme, opgav Sovjet Rusland efter at have mistet politisk terræn og vedtog den ungarske forfatning fra 1949, hvilket gjorde Ungarn til Folkerepublikken Ungarn. Fra da til 1956 blev der gennemført omfattende kommunistiske reformer, herunder nationalisering af alle industrier og omfordeling af landbrugsjord. Der var nogle positive effekter, såsom spredning af offentlig uddannelse (som en propagandastrategi). Den politiske uro efter Stalins død i 1953, indtil Khrusjtjovs overtagelse i 1956, svækkede imidlertid sovjetstyret nok til at tillade oktoberrevolutionen i 1956.


Ungarns uafhængighedskrig

Den frygtelige mængde oprørske horder, som jeg fandt ved Kápolna, er blevet spredt og for det meste tilintetgjort, og resterne flygter over Tisza. Om et par dage håber jeg på at være i Debrecen og få succes med at beslaglægge dette oprørscenter. Sådan var beskeden sendt til kejser Franz Josef I af feltmarskal Alfred Fürst (Prince) zu Windisch-Grätz, øverstbefalende for den østrigske kejserlige hær i Ungarn efter slaget ved Kápolna den 27. februar 1849. Windisch-Grätz så al mulig grund til at betragte sin sejr som vendepunktet i krigen Ungarn havde kæmpet siden september 1848 for at opnå uafhængighed fra Østrig. Da Franz Josef, teoretisk set både kejser af Østrig og konge af Ungarn, modtog nyheder om sejren, udarbejdede han en ny forfatning i Olmütz, der i det væsentlige bekræftede de absolutistiske magter i Hapsburg -monarkiet. Nominelt accepterede han parlamentarisk monarki, men han ophævede alligevel enhver autonomi for de separate nationer inden for sit imperium.

Det foregående år, 1848, havde været et år med revolutioner i hele Europa. Hapsburg -imperiet, et konglomerat af forskellige centraleuropæiske nationer, var blandt regionerne hærget af oprør. Den såkaldte Holy Alliance, skabt af Rusland, Østrig, Preussen og Storbritannien for at bevogte det gamle monarkier i Europa efter den franske kejser Napoleons nederlag i 1815, kollapsede midt i en bølge af borgerlige og liberale oprør i Paris, Venedig, Berlin og Prag. I den østrigske hovedstad Wien blev kansler prins Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar von Metternich, den mest hengivne forsvarer af den gamle orden, styrtet af et folkeligt oprør den 13. marts. Kejser Ferdinand V, der følte sig truet, lovede forfatningsreformer og lempelse af undertrykkende indsats i hele imperiet. Den 18. marts gjorde italienske revolutionære nationalister i Milano oprør mod det østrigske styre, og den 22. erklærede Kongeriget Sardinien-Piemonte krig på vegne af nationalisterne i de østrigske italienske provinser. Imens udtrykte den slaviske befolkning i imperiet utilfredshed, og Ungarn, det største område inden for imperiet, viste også tegn på oprør.

De underudviklede ungarske territorier havde kæmpet for civile reformer i årtier. Anført af Lajos Kossuth, en lille gruppe af fremtrædende aristokrater og#8212 de eksklusive indehavere af politiske rettigheder i kongeriget — gik ind for radikale ændringer for at overvinde landets industrielle og politiske tilbagestående. Denne indsats blev hårdt modsat af regeringen i Wien, som ønskede, at Ungarn med sit rige landbrug og rigelige råmaterialekilder skulle forblive imperiets pantry og et marked for østrigske og bohemske industrivarer. Vienna entered into an alliance with the more conservative elements of the Hungarian nobility and tried to slow down reforms by any possible means.

A bloodless revolution by liberal and radical elements in Pest on March 15, 1848, finally put an end to the continual debates regarding class representation by a Diet (national assembly) that represented only the nobility. Encouraged by the uprising in Vienna, the radicals, rallying around poet and revolutionary Sandor Petöfi, summed up and published their demands in Twelve Points, along with Petöfi’s Nemzeti dal (National Song) — a significant step in itself, since both were published without prior permission from the censors. Terrified by the accelerated speed of events, the aristocracy accepted the proposals of the liberals without objection, and Emperor Ferdinand signed reform laws on April 11.

The new legislation, the so-called April Laws, abolished the institution of serfdom, which dated back to the Middle Ages, and made peasants the owners of the land they cultivated. It also revoked the tax-free status of the nobility and ended censorship. The Hungarian kingdom became a constitutional monarchy. The Diet, hitherto drawn from the nobility and convened only by request of the king, was replaced by a representative parliament, which was to meet annually and to which the first prime minister, Grof (Count) Lajos Batthyány, was responsible. The military forces were reorganized into a national guard, and ultimately every soldier of the Imperial army who was stationed in Hungary had to take an oath of allegiance to the government in Buda.

The Imperial court in Vienna, however, regarded the April Laws as mere temporary measures. The ardent supporters of an absolute sovereign power, who feared losing Hungary’s resources and manpower if there was a complete separation between Austria and Hungary, could not openly oppose the changes, principally because Austrian forces were already engaged in a war in Italy. Secretly, though, the Imperialists supported conspiracies to undermine the new government.

The territory of 19th-century Hungary included the entire Carpathian basin, but less than half of the population spoke Magyar as their mother tongue — the other ethnic groups spoke a variety of Slavic languages, Romanian or German. Those ethnic groups set out on the road to modern nationhood almost simultaneously with the Hungarians, and although they welcomed the achievements of the revolution, the leaders of the Serbs, Croats, Romanians and Slovaks soon started to demand autonomy themselves. Their ambitions were not appreciated by the Hungarian politicians, who did not tolerate political autonomy for any other ethnic groups, except in the case of the Croats, whose territorial claims went back several centuries. The Imperial court took advantage of this situation, inciting the various national movements to revolt against the new Hungarian government.

The first uprising within Hungary was launched in June 1848 by ethnic Serbs living on the southern border, who received support from Serbian frontier guards and armed volunteers. On September 17, the Croatian governor, Colonel Josip Jellacic, attacked Hungary. Then, in October, the Romanians living in Transylvania began an armed revolt against the Hungarian community.

At first, the Hungarian government did not have enough military power to protect the country. Although it controlled 15 out of 58 Imperial line infantry regiments, five out of 20 grenadier battalions, 12 out of 37 cavalry regiments and an additional 18 border guard infantry regiments, most of those were stationed in distant territories of the Austrian empire, and their withdrawal to the homeland was slow. The Imperial army units stationed within the country were mostly of foreign origin, their soldiers loyal to the Hungarian government only in theory, and they openly revolted in the fall of 1848. Thus, the actual military power that the Hungarians were able to muster, even including two supplementary Italian battalions and nine hussar regiments, consisted of 26 infantry battalions instead of the original 58 — a total of 25,000 men. Additionally, the Hungarians had absolutely no heavy cavalry, which was traditionally a specialty of the Austrians, Bohemians and Italians.

To supplement the regular troops, the roughly 60,000 national guardsmen who had been originally mobilized to secure internal order were ordered into active service. Only a quarter of them were armed, however, and the majority lacked any significant military training — their three or four weeks of mandatory camp service was grossly inadequate to instill the necessary skills.

After repulsing Jellacic’s forces at the Battle of Pákozd on September 29, a Hungarian army crossed the border into Austria on October 3. After a second revolution broke out in Vienna on October 6, the Hungarians slowly advanced on the capital to support the revolutionaries — only to find an Imperial army under Field Marshal Windisch-Grätz ready to confront it at Schwechat on October 30. The Hungarian national guardsmen could not effectively counter the Imperial artillery in the battle that ensued, and many of them fled the battlefield without firing a shot. Windisch-Grätz crushed the Viennese revolt on the following day.

After the lessons learned in the Serbian uprising, the Hungarian government started building a regular army independent of the Imperial military forces. In the summer of 1848, 10 brown-coated Honvéd (national defense) battalions — 10,000 soldiers — were added to the old Imperial units, and the number of the newly organized battalions was increased to 53 by the end of the year. Imperial hussar regiments that had been stationed too far away to join the Hungarian army were re-formed in Hungary and then expanded from 12 to 18 regiments. Young men from the educated elite were recruited into the artillery and soon became so proficient that the Austrians thought they were French mercenaries fighting on the Hungarian side.

The army was organized by the Committee for National Defense, which had been formed to work alongside the government. With Kossuth as its president after the resignation of Prime Minister Batthyány in October, the committee became the absolute executive power. Under Kossuth’s leadership, the number of troops in the Hungarian army had reached 100,000 by the end of October.

After secretly supporting revolts against the Hungarians, the Imperial court finally decided on an open confrontation in December. Ferdinand V, who had accepted the April Laws, was forced to abdicate and was succeeded on December 2 by his nephew, Franz Josef I, who had just turned 18. According to the Imperial court, Franz Josef was not bound by the promises of his predecessors, but he was never considered to be a legitimate king by the Hungarians, who claimed that they neither elected nor crowned him. Thus, the peace proposals made to the new emperor by the Hungarians, as well as an attempt by the U.S. ambassador to mediate between the two countries, proved fruitless. Franz Josef ordered his army to attack Hungary.

Under the leadership of Field Marshal Windisch-Grätz, an Imperial army of 55,000 troops started from Vienna for Buda while additional attacks were carried out by other Imperial forces stationed around Hungary. The Hungarian army was defeated on every front, and Windisch-Grätz’s troops occupied Buda and Pest on January 5, 1849. Only the slow, deliberate nature of the Imperial advance, which allowed the Hungarians time to regroup and bring reinforcements up to the line, prevented them from being completely routed.

Following their initial baptism of fire, however, the Hungarian soldiers became more effective as they became more experienced. English-born Maj. Gen. Richard Guyon exhorted his Honvéd infantry regiment before the conquest of the Branisko Pass on February 5 with the desperate words: If you advance further, you’ll get double the money, but if you dare to withdraw, I’ll shoot you! By the end of the winter, his battalions, once labeled chicken-livered by fellow Hungarians, were able to match the veteran Imperial troops.

Hungarian fortunes took a turn for the better with the appointment of Polish Lt. Gen. Joséf Bem as commander of the Transylvanian army. Romanians fighting alongside the Imperial troops were harassing the Hungarian forces almost everywhere in Transylvania by the end of 1848, but under Bem’s leadership the Transylvanian army was able to completely rout the Imperial forces. Then, with a series of lightning strikes and superior mobility, Bem drove them from northern Transylvania.

Subsequently, the territory lying to the east of the Tisza River was secured, allowing the Hungarian government, which had moved to Debrecen, to boost military production and organize new regiments. With Windisch-Grätz’s offensive stalled and about to collapse, the Hungarians regrouped their scattered troops behind the Tisza and began to prepare a counteroffensive. Kossuth appointed another Polish volunteer, Lt. Gen. Henryk Dembinski, commander in chief of the Hungarian army. Compared to Bem, however, Dembinski proved to be a poor choice. After leading his troops across the Tisza, he failed to adequately reconnoiter the enemy’s movements, and his scattered army was surprised by a large Imperial force under Windisch-Grätz at Kápolna on February 26. After heavy fighting, the isolated Hungarian sections were defeated on the following day.

Thus, the great hopes that the Hungarians had placed on their offensive were stifled at the beginning. Windisch-Grätz issued a sanguine report following his victory at Kápolna — but he was premature in boasting of his triumph. He was compelled to postpone his attack on the territory east of the Tisza because of tough resistance, and the initiative again passed into the hands of the Hungarians. Facing an equally strong Imperial force — both armies numbered about 50,000 troops each — General György Klapka, who took charge of Hungarian forces from Dembinski, devised a bold plan to tip the balance in his favor. The Imperial troops were situated far west of the Tisza, which enabled the Hungarians to divide their army into two groups. While one corps feinted on the northern wing in the direction of Gyöngyös and Hatvan, the remaining three corps were able to move undetected in the southern wing, encircle the Imperial forces and attack from their rear in the area of Gödöllo.

The spring campaign began with a decisive victory for the Hungarians, as Lt. Gen. Artúr Görgei’s corps effectively surprised the Austrians in the Battle of Hatvan on April 2. The Hungarians’ failure to effectively reconnoiter the area, however, resulted in a cavalry skirmish at Tápióbicske two days later, and although the Hungarians were victorious, the encounter tipped off the Austrians to their plan to encircle them. Consequently, though defeated again at Isaszeg on the 6th, the Austrian forces were able to withdraw from the pincers maneuver and retire toward Pest. Since it was still risky to attack the isolated but still formidable Imperial army in Pest, the Hungarians bypassed the city and moved west to lay siege to Komárom, in the center of the territories under Imperial control.

Komárom was one of the strongest fortresses in the Hapsburg empire, but its location at the crossing point of the Danube and Vág rivers presented the Hungarians an opportunity to conquer both shores of the Danube, thereby cutting off the Imperial reinforcements heading toward Pest. While two corps were kept near Pest to keep Windisch-Grätz uncertain about the Hungarians’ intentions, the remaining three corps made a wide detour on the left shore of the Danube and defeated the Imperial troops setting up blockades at Vác and Nagysalló on April 19. On April 26, the last remnants of Imperial forces defending Komárom were destroyed at Acs, compelling the Austrians to abandon the defensive line of the Danube River.

The Hungarians’ strategy had been extremely risky. If the Austrians had learned how weak the force outside Pest was before the Hungarians had launched their offensive, their army at Pest would have been destroyed, allowing the Imperial forces to advance unhindered as far as Debrecen. In retrospect, Görgei remarked, Such a maneuver one can certainly afford against Prince Windisch-Grätz. After this series of failures, Windisch-Grätz was forced to resign from his post as commander in chief, and his successor, Field Marshal Julius Jacob Freiherr von Haynau, had to withdraw the Austrian military forces all the way back to the starting point of their winter campaign in the outskirts of Vienna. The closing event of the spring campaign was the recapture of the Buda castle by the Honvéd forces on May 21. Meanwhile, after a series of battles with varying degrees of success, Bem finally succeeded in driving the last Imperial forces from Transylvania by the end of April. Bem had also won victories in Serbia in March, leaving the majority of the country in Hungarian hands for the first time since the start of the war.

The spring battles ended in a stalemate, with neither side holding a decisive advantage, but at that point Austria turned to her traditional ally, Russia, for help. Czar Nicholas I, worried that the revolution would spread as far as Poland, was eager to offer his army to put down the Hungarian revolt. At the same time, Kossuth, pointing out Ferdinand’s abdication and Franz Josef’s ominous Olmütz constitution, convinced the government to declare the dethronement of the Hapsburg dynasty on April 14, thereby hoping to gain the support of the Western European powers for a Hungarian republic. France, however, was busy with its own internal problems, and Britain saw the entire European balance of power endangered by a weakened Hapsburg empire. Thus, after being informed about Russia’s plans for intervention, the British foreign minister declared to the Russian ambassador, Maybe they are right, but get done with them [the Hungarians] quickly.

The Russians surprised everybody with the strength of their response. Both the Imperial military leadership and the Hungarians were expecting a maximum force of 60,000 Russian soldiers. The Austrian failures, however, led the cautious czar to decide that the military force he was sending needed to be strong enough to ensure victory without Imperial aid. Thus, he eventually supported Franz Josef with 200,000 soldiers and put an additional 80,000 on alert. The Imperial army could field 170,000 men, while the Hungarians expanded their army to about the same number. With the Russian forces stepping in, the Hungarian army was facing a combined force more than double its size. There could be no doubt that the two double-headed eagles — the heraldic birds of both imperial dynasties — would ultimately emerge victorious.

The Hungarian military leadership pinned its last hope on dealing the Imperial army a heavy blow on the left shore of the Danube before the Russians arrived, in order to create more favorable circumstances for any future peace negotiations. The planned summer offensive was halted, however, when railroad trains sped up the arrival of Russian reinforcements from Poland.

Following the declaration of complete independence from Austria on April 14, the Hungarian government appointed Görgei both commander in chief of the army and minister of defense. Kossuth, the provisionally elected governing president, declared Szeged, near Hungary’s southern border with the politically neutral Ottoman empire, to be the assembly point for the Hungarian forces. Theoretically, the location was also suitable to carry out movements against the Serbian forces and thus threaten the entire territory. Kossuth’s plan had a serious weakness, however. Although it created an opportunity for uniting the entire Hungarian army, it also enabled the union of the Austrian and Russian forces. The allied Russian and Austrian armies intended to surround the Hungarian forces in a pincer maneuver from the north and west, while their troops in Transylvania, by retaking the lost territory, would block further resistance by controlling the eastern part of the country.

The summer campaign started successfully for the allies, with 30,000 Hungarian troops unable to stop a 60,000-strong army at the western border under Haynau. The Imperial commander unexpectedly relocated his soldiers onto the left shore of the Danube and cut off the main Hungarian army from Buda.

Meanwhile, two Russian armies, commanded by Field Marshal Ivan Fyodorovich Paskievich, Prince of Warsaw, and Lt. Gen. Pavel Khristoforovich Grabbe, began marching south from the Carpathians on June 17, intending to converge on Vác, on the shore of the Danube, to block the Hungarian army’s shortest route to Szeged. The 16,000 Hungarian troops guarding Hungary’s northern border, commanded by yet another Polish volunteer, General Józef Wysocki, were hopelessly outnumbered by Paskievich’s army. Görgei’s army, however, was not only withdrawing before Haynau’s advance but was also maneuvering to strike the Russians in flank. Recognizing the threat, Paskievich advanced cautiously, allowing Wysocki to conduct a slow fighting retreat to central Hungary, where he was able to unite with a newly organized force under General Mór Perczel.

The inexorable Russian advance from the north compelled Görgei to make a large detour around them in the direction of Losonc, Rimaszombat, Miskolc, Tokaj and Nagyvárad. Although he had only 30,000 troops under his immediate command, Görgei managed to stop the 120,000 troops of Paskievich’s main army by harassing the Russian lines of communication. Moving along the Russians’ exterior lines, his troops performed brilliantly, reaching their designated targets in spite of the Russians’ being much closer to those objectives. With very little loss, on August 9 Görgei’s men arrived at Arad, which by then had been redesignated as the assembly point in place of Szeged.

Meanwhile, Bem — with heavy losses — tied down Russian forces in Transylvania, preventing them from reaching the Hungarian plains. First he stopped Russian Lt. Gen. Magnus Johann von Grotenheilm’s army at Bezsterce on July 10, then struck at the rear of the main Russian force, under General of Infantry Aleksandr Nikolayevich Lüders. Austrian Lt. Gen. Eduard Graf von Clam-Gallas, who had been left behind to pacify the region, was unable to cope with the Hungarian troops in Transylvania. Therefore, Lüders had to interrupt his march toward the main theater of war three times in order to assist his Austrian ally until he finally managed to defeat Bem’s army at Segesvár on July 31 and destroy it at Nagyczür on August 6.

In the meantime, a Hungarian division under Maj. Gen. György Kmety, which had been separated from Görgei’s army in the early stages of Haynau’s offensive, withdrew from Csorna southeast toward Szabadka, where he joined the troops of Lt. Gen. Antal Vetter fighting at the southern border. Thus strengthened, their combined forces were able to drive Jellacic’s Austrian troops and Serbian rebels back to the southern bank of the Danube.

At that point, the opportunity still existed for the Hungarians to assemble 70,000 soldiers from different battlefields and strike at Haynau’s army, which had been reduced to less than 30,000 men. However, Dembinski, commanding 34,000 troops at Szeged, gave up the city on August 5. Then, instead of heading toward Arad, he marched toward Temesvár — which was in Austrian hands — completely forfeiting any chance of a future linkup with Görgei’s army. Bem, who had managed to escape the debacle at Segesvár by feigning death, took command of the retreating army from the inadequate Dembinski and tried to make a stand at Temesvár on August 9, but his force was routed by Haynau. Bem, Dembinski and Kossuth fled to Turkey, but Haynau had nine other rebel generals hanged and four more shot at Arad.

From then on, there was no point in further fighting. After withdrawing from Arad with his remaining army — by then down to 22,000 troops — Görgei surrendered to a Russian force under General of Cavalry Friedrich Wilhelm von Rüdiger, which had been pursuing him from the north, at Világos on August 13, 1849. Görgei’s surrender to the Russians rather than to the Austrians was a last gesture of defiance, implying that the Hungarians had failed only because of the Russian intervention.

Defeat was followed by a large-scale — and, even by the standards of the time, brutal — retaliation against the rebellious Hungarians. I shall uproot the weed, Haynau swore. I shall set an example to the whole of Europe of how rebels should be treated and how order, peace and tranquillity should be ensured for a century. Hungary’s first prime minister, Batthyány, died before a firing squad on October 6. On Haynau’s orders, more than 100 people were executed, 1,200 Imperial officers fighting on the Hungarian side were sentenced to imprisonment, and an additional 40,000 to 50,000 officers and soldiers were drafted into the Imperial army.

After spending time in Turkey, Kossuth left for America in September 1851 aboard the U.S. Navy frigate Mississippi, and between December and July 1852 he toured the United States at the invitation of the government. At receptions in New York, Philadelphia and Boston, he was touted as the Hungarian George Washington, and in January 1852 he addressed the Senate and House of Representatives, the second non-American to do so since the Marquis de Lafayette in 1824. He died, still in exile, in Turin, Italy, on March 20, 1894. Many other former Honvéd troops who fled to the United States put their combat experience to use again in the Union army during the American Civil War. Joséf Bem remained in Turkey, embraced Islam and, under the adopted name of Murad Pasha, became governor of Aleppo, where he died on December 10, 1850.

In spite of Austria’s ultimate victory, the prophecy of future British Prime Minister Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston, was fulfilled: Continuing the fight till the end, he had predicted, Austria is crushing her right hand in this war. The social changes brought about by the revolutionary legislation were irreversible. After a series of failures, both abroad and at home, during the 1850s and early 1860s, Franz Josef I was finally compelled to compromise and create a dualistic state out of the Hapsburg empire in 1867. The first prime minister of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy was Grof Gyula Andrássy, who had fought in the war as a hussar officer and who, during his years in exile, had been sentenced to death by Emperor Franz Josef and hanged in effigy.

This article was written by János B. Szabó and originally appeared in the August 1999 issue of Militærhistorie magasin. For flere gode artikler skal du abonnere på Militærhistorie magasin i dag!


56 History

Hungary fell under Soviet control after the communist-rigged elections of 1947. The years that followed introduced a system of tyranny under which Hungarians suffered economic deprivation, mass arrests, and a systematically cruel oppression by the communist government. In 1953, following the death of Stalin, signs of economic crisis appeared, caused by a fatally misguided state-controlled agrarian policy. The Hungarian communist hard-liner, Mátyás Rákosi, was suddenly replaced by reformer Imre Nagy, also a communist, but one who believed in “Communism with a human face.”

This welcome “thaw” lasted for only 18 months, to be followed again by a period of repression first under Rákosi, then under his lieutenant, Ernõ Gerõ. But Khruschev’s famous speech given at the February,1956 Party Congress, in which he surprisingly criticized Stalin’s personality cult and actions, opened the gate in Hungary to similar criticism against the morally bankrupt Communist system. Dissatisfaction with the system grew: writers, university students and journalists pressed for major changes, until it all erupted in a mass demonstration of support for the striking workers of Poznan, Poland. On October 23, in a spontaneous demonstration approximately 200,000 Hungarians gathered in front of the Parliament. Thus, the Hungarian Revolution began.

The following timeline includes information on some of the most significant events of the Revolution…

October 23
Hungarian university students gathered and marched to the statue of József Bem, a Polish General who led Hungarian freedom fighters during the 1848 Revolution, to express solidarity for the Polish workers fighting against communism. The protest soon swelled to 200,000 Hungarians demanding independence in front of the Parliament.
The thousands of protestors marched to Radio Budapest to have their 16 demands read on air, but were denied access to the building by the hated AVH (Hungarian Secret Police, also referred to as AVO). When the students did not disperse, but instead began yelling slogans like, “Russians, go home!” The AVH fired on the crowd.
Hungarian soldiers who did not agree with the troops shooting on unarmed student protestors quickly joined forces with the freedom fighters and provided them weapons to protect themselves.
Stalin statue was toppled and dragged through the streets.
An uprising broke out at the Szabad Nép newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Communist Party.

News of the events in Budapest spread across the country.
Soviet and Hungarian military armored units entered Budapest.

The first Revolutionary newspaper, entitled Igazság (Truth) was published.
Protestors again gathered in front of the Parliament and began calling for Imre Nagy. AVH troops lined up on the top of the Parliament and the Ethnographic Museum, across the street, opened fire and killed more than 100 (some sources estimate between 300-500) protestors.
Workers Councils were formed at the Csepel Iron and Metal Works.

Revolutionary groups were formed in the Thököly út-Dózsa György út area (7th District) and at Széna tér (2nd District). Freedom fighters also occupied Móricz Zsigmond körtér (11th District), and the Danubia Arms Factory.
The Revolution spread to the countryside. In Mosonmagyaróvár the AVH fired into a crowd of peaceful demonstrators, killing 85 men, women and children.

The army occupied Szabadság Bridge and Móricz Zsigmond Square.
The Radio announced the composition of a new government.

The new government was sworn in.
Imre Nagy reclaimed his position as Prime Minister and began negotiations with the Soviets to convince them to leave Hungary.
In his radio address, Imre Nagy stated that the Soviet troops would withdraw from Hungary, the AVH would be dissolved, and the traditional Hungarian flag would be used, among other promises.

The most severely compromised communist leaders – such as: Ernõ Gerõ András Hegedûs and, István Kovács – fled overnight to Moscow.
Israel invaded Egypt, beginning the Suez Canal crisis.

Cardinal József Mindszenty was freed.
Soviet troops withdrew from Budapest to await further orders.
Imre Nagy announced on the radio the end of the one-party system and the formation of a Coalition government.
Szabad (Free) Kossuth Radio began radio broadcasts.
Freedom fighters stormed the Headquarters of AVH on Köztársaság Square. Some estimates claim that 43 AVH officers were killed, 7 of them lynched by protestors hungry for revenge after the Mosonmagyaróvár massacre.
On Köztársaság tér, freedom fighters heard human cries coming from under the street. They began several days of digging to look for a secret underground AVH prison, but to no avail.
Soviet Leadership made the secret decision to crush the rebellion with military intervention.

Withdrawal of Soviet troops from Budapest was completed.

Imre Nagy declared Hungary’s neutrality and attempted to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact, but no one responded.

Soviet leaders Khrushchev and Malenkov met with Romanian, Czechoslovak and Bulgarian leaders in Bucharest, as they prepared for the Soviet military intervention in Hungary.

General Pál Maléter agreed to meet with the Soviet leadership to sign an agreement to withdrawal their troops from Hungary. Despite their promise of safe conduct, Maléter and his delegation were arrested, kidnapped and taken to Romania (they were later executed).

At dawn, approximately 2,000 tanks rolled back into Budapest from Romania to crush the Revolution.
The Kilian Barracks were captured by the Soviets after fierce fighting.
Cardinal Mindszenty sought political asylum at the US Embassy, where he remained for 15 years.
SOS messages were repeatedly broadcast to the UN and the West, but no one responded.


Begyndelsen

March 1, 1848 in Pozzhn, where the Hungarian state assembly met, came the news of the revolution in Paris. On March 3, Kossuth made a fiery speech demanding the immediate implementation of a liberal reform program, the introduction of a constitution and the formation of a government responsible to the parliament. Soon the revolution broke out in Vienna, Metternich was deprived of his powers, and the Emperor Ferdinand promised the Austrians a constitution and civil liberties.

On March 15, the delegation of the Hungarian Parliament went to Vienna to transmit the petition adopted on the basis of the Kossuth program. On the same day, an uprising began in Pesta: under the influence of the published “Twelve Points” by Jozsef Irini and the “National Song” by Shandor Petofi, students and urban intelligentsia surrounded the city’s administrative institutions, released M. Tancic from prison and deposed the municipal authorities. The demands of the insurgents in Pest were the introduction of press freedom, the proclamation of equality of civil rights, the creation of a responsible government, the annual convening of the parliament, the introduction of universal taxation and jury trials, the liberation of the peasants and the union with Transylvania. The uprising quickly spread throughout the country.


Richard Henry Lee, Virginia's delegate to the Continental Congress, presents the Lee Resolution reading in part: "Resolved: That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

Congress postpones consideration of the Lee Resolution and appoints the "Committee of Five" to draft a final statement declaring the case for America's independence. The Committee of Five is composed of: John Adams of Massachusetts, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Robert R. Livingston of New York and Thomas Jefferson of Virginia.


Austria-Hungary, 1867–1918

The economic consequences of the defeat in the war of 1866 made it imperative that the constitutional reorganization of the Habsburg monarchy, under discussion since 1859, be brought to an early and successful conclusion. Personnel changes facilitated the solution of the Hungarian crisis. Friedrich Ferdinand, Freiherr (baron) von Beust (later Graf [count] von Beust), who had been prime minister of Saxony, took charge of Habsburg affairs, first as foreign minister (from October 1866) and then as chancellor (from February 1867). By abandoning the claim that Hungary be simply an Austrian province, he induced Emperor Franz Joseph to recognize the negotiations with the Hungarian politicians (Ferenc Deák and Gyula, Gróf [count] Andrássy) as a purely dynastic affair, excluding non-Hungarians from the discussion. On February 17, 1867, Franz Joseph restored the Hungarian constitution. A ministry responsible to the Hungarian Diet was formed under Andrássy, and in May 1867 the diet approved Law XII, legalizing what became known as the Ausgleich (“Compromise”). This was a compromise between the Hungarian nation and the dynasty, not between Hungary and the rest of the empire, and it is symptomatic of the Hungarian attitude that led Hungarians to refer to Franz Joseph and his successor as their king and never their emperor.

In addition to regulating the constitutional relations between the king and the Hungarian nation, Law XII accepted the unity of the Habsburg lands for purposes of conducting certain economic and foreign affairs in common. The compromise was thus the logical result of an attempt to blend traditional constitutional rights with the demands of modern administration. In December 1867 the section of the Reichsrat representing the non-Hungarian lands of the Habsburg empire (known as the engerer Reichsrat) approved the compromise. Though after 1867 the Habsburg monarchy was popularly referred to as the Dual Monarchy, the constitutional framework was actually tripartite, comprising the common agencies for economics and foreign affairs, the agencies of the kingdom of Hungary, and the agencies of the rest of the Habsburg lands—commonly but incorrectly called “Austria.” (The official title for these provinces remained “the kingdoms and lands represented in the Reichsrat” until 1915, when the term “Austria” was officially adopted for them.)

Under the Ausgleich, both parts of the Habsburg monarchy were constitutionally autonomous, each having its own government and a parliament composed of an appointed upper and an elected lower house. The “common monarchy” consisted of the emperor and his court, the minister for foreign affairs, and the minister of war. There was no common prime minister and no common cabinet. Common affairs were to be considered at the “delegations,” annual meetings of representatives from the two parliaments. For economic and financial cooperation, there was to be a customs union and a sharing of accounts, which was to be revised every 10 years. (This decennial discussion of financial quotas became one of the main sources of conflict between the Hungarian and Austrian governments.) There would be no common citizenship, but such matters as weights, measures, coinage, and postal service were to be uniform in both areas. There soon developed the so-called gemeinsamer Ministerrat, a kind of crown council in which the common ministers of foreign affairs and war and the prime ministers of both governments met under the presidency of the monarch. The common ministers were responsible to the crown only, but they reported annually to the delegations.

The Ausgleich for all practical purposes set up a personal union between the lands of the Hungarian crown and the western lands of the Habsburgs. The Hungarian success inspired similar movements for the restoration of states’ rights in Bohemia and Galicia. But the monarch, who only reluctantly had given in to Hungarian demands, was unwilling to discontinue the centralist policy in the rest of his empire. Public opinion and parliament in Austria were dominated by German bourgeois liberals who opposed the federalization of Austria. As a prize for their cooperation in compromising with the Hungarians, the German liberals were allowed to amend the 1861 constitution known as the February Patent the Fundamental Laws, which were adopted in December 1867 and became known as the December constitution, lasted until 1918. These laws granted equality before the law and freedom of press, speech, and assembly they also protected the interests of the various nationalities, stating that

all nationalities in the state enjoy equal rights, and each one has an inalienable right to the preservation and cultivation of its nationality and language. The equal rights of all languages in local use are guaranteed by the state in schools, administration, and public life.

The authority of parliament was also recognized. Such provisions, however, were more a promise than a reality. Although parliament, for instance, did theoretically have the power to deal with all varieties of matters, it was, in any case, not a fully representative parliament ( suffrage was restricted, and it was tied to property provisions until 1907). In addition, the king was authorized to govern without parliament in the event that the assembly should prove unable to work. Austrian affairs from 1867 to 1918 were, in fact, determined more by bureaucratic measures than by political initiative traditions dating from the reign of Joseph II, rather than capitalist interests, characterized the Austrian liberals.


Se videoen: Děravá vlajka symbol maďarského povstání 1956 (Kan 2022).


Kommentarer:

  1. Kenyatta

    Se på mit hus!

  2. Reidhachadh

    Strålende sætning, og det er behørigt

  3. Cooney

    Jeg finder ud af, at du ikke har ret. Skriv i PM, vi vil diskutere.

  4. Nab

    I det er noget. Now everything is clear, thanks for the explanation.

  5. Zulura

    Præcis, du har ret



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